Friday 17 May 2013

Why we are incomplete human beings

INCOMPLETE HUMANS

Our conditions of existence really reveal how incomplete we are as human beings. The many addictions and contradictions that we endure continuously prune us to utter imperfection. We are endowed with innate deficiencies as part of our humanness. It is this deficiency which makes us incomplete that also drives us to the service of many vices, including greed. We are greedy not because we are in dire need of anything; it is because we are accustomed to believing that greed cures our incompleteness.
So, what are these rampant vices; deceit, corruption, mediocrity, impunity, callousness, malefactions, imprudence, violence, vitriol and lack of intestinal fortitude to live calm, just, meaningful life in a shared common? The answer to this dilemma is that the human project is incomplete.
The design of our immediate environment is to fetter a feeling of inadequacy in human kind. Through the social media, commercials that confront us daily, and the stereotype of prospects that our own guardians orientate us with, only set us up for the panic. The future is painted grimly as that of adversities requiring many struggles for which we are intensely schooled. The future struggles are defined, as “taking and getting”; “accumulating and owning”. One is raised to own property such as land and houses in such numbers that may not be of any material benefit. Success is defined as living a life of abundance associated with success. This is characterized by too much food to eat for one person and leftovers to throw; numerous vehicles to drive; countless sexual encounters and multiple children born and raised as imps in to further this vicious cycle of logical fallacy.
The undercurrents that drive the pursuit of our “success” are nothing but the fear of our deficiencies, our incomplete nature. We fortuitously believe that what we lack by nature can be complimented by accumulated material wealth. We have become accustomed to believing in money as our religious faith and materialism as our orthodoxy. Our children learn more about scarcity, growing up petrified of the essence of scarcity and yet, we have enough resources for every human being.
Mahatma Gandhi once said that there is enough for everyone to share on this planet, but there is hardly enough for the greedy. Indeed, the more we accumulate wealth, the more we take into our custody, that which should have been shared by the global common. The more we achieve what the society has normalized as “success”, the more we aggravate our incomplete nature. The rich become isolated and loose the power of social interconnectedness because in actual reality, accumulated wealth imprisons. For the deprived - “riffraffs” - Thomas Hobbes once observed that life becomes “nasty, brutish, and short” but fulfilling. For, the scholar and founders of Karma Kitchen, Nipun Mehta believes that the act of generosity and giving are always initiated by those who have the least.
The human nature will attempt to become complete and liberated when we learn to share. True power lies in the relationship of giving and sharing. As author Dan Hamburg once said, the consumer culture, the bourgeoise culture, is threatened not because it is bad or wrong, but because it is incomplete. It may have mastered the processes of material production, but it has failed miserably in addressing the challenges inherent in the social relations between the modes and processes of production, distribution of resources and environmental sustainability.
So, when we give and share, we unleash transformative power that leads to social interconnectedness within the human race. The experience of generative power of sharing is the token by which the human project can get set on its path toward completeness. It is the means by which humans can emerge from isolation into public realm as a freeman. Sharing is the viable means to cultivate networks that meaningfully link one human to another; transmit equitable sharing of global common, configures and compliments common points of deficiency.
Nipun Mehta, coined the term Giftivism, and defined it as “the practice of radically generous act that change the world”. And through the Kharma Kitchen, Mehta and his colleagues proved that the incompleteness of human nature can get assuaged by acts of sharing. When people give to those they hardly know and come to learn how helpful that gift was, in transforming the lives of those who needed it, the sense of completeness becomes indescribable.
Perhaps, through self search, we can start to understand that we have unconsciously inhibited the human project from getting complete by the vice of greed alone. We now know that we are a race in panic, afraid of an imaginary scarcity in the future. We enslave ourselves with material possession of things that have no value and place in our lives. We deprive those who desperately need these things and we debase their utility values by keeping them redundant in our custody. If we gave up our addiction to hoarding all the materials in our possession, we would become more accomplished.
Go check in your storage for the tires you don’t need and have not used, bed-frames, mattresses; go in your kitchen, look for the cutlery and utensils you don’t really use. Look in your quarters for empty rooms; in your food stores and fridges for the foods you are not eating. Give those out to the people who have immediate need for you.
END.

Wednesday 15 May 2013

Prof Ogenga’s obsession with Madhvani is suspect



 MODERN INVESTMENTS

Prof Morris Latigo Ogenga appears to be a man of stead and objectivity until he begins to sound like recent NRM converts. I find that his obsession with Madhvani’s investment in sugarcane plantation in Amuru is suspect. I have read his numerous interviews in the media and followed his recent infatuation with Madhvani and oil palm plantations to be quite strange.

It is noteworthy to reiterate that no Acholi person in his or her rightful frame of mind can refuse a genuine investment to take root in Acholiland. However, the cornerstone of the contention is in the manner by which these investments are being shoved down the throat of Acholi folks. We have not forgotten the militaristic advances of Divinity Union who harassed our folks for land at the peak of the war era.

It is contemptible to believe that Dr. Latigo has become desperate for handouts from the state as his detractors are suggesting. Many of us have come to admire the brevity of Prof Ogenga and believe that he is the bridge that connects the old conservative mindset and the neo-liberal sprouts of contemporary Acholi generation. One aspect of Prof Latigo’s dilemma is that his perception of the true potential of Acholiland has been definitely compromised. I suspect that his recent association with pessimistic, devious, deceitful and psychopathic characters in the NRM government has done him in.

It is arguable that Acholi as a region is juxtaposed between depleted leadership which was instrumental and relevant during the genocide period, but whose relevance in post conflict Acholi has staggered. None of these leaders have proposed a robust post conflict roadmap for developing Acholi. Most of them either lick Museveni’s boots or oppose whatever is NRM, a hallmark of opposition politics. Nonetheless, Prof Morris Ogenga Latigo is faced with endurance of moral crisis in such an environment of limited capacity among our leaders.

The Oil Palm project in Kalangala as a justification for Madhvani usurpation of land in Amuru is merely a red herring. People in Kalangala who have had to forfeit their land for the Oil Palm project will tell you that they are trapped and enslaved. Their stories are no different than the stories of those in Kakiira or Kinyara sugar plantations. However, the manner in which their tales of suffering get to the public realms is purely a manipulation to justify plantation investments.

Acholi region, like all other regions in the world is situated for competitive modern technology investments not plantation. There are many ways to inspire growth, and one very crucial factor of economic growth is the cultivation of industrious minds. An industrious mind would look at opportunities in Acholi beyond Madhvani plantations. Acholiland has lots of resources in the form of land. It is disadvantaged by a diminished population due to depopulation policies of the NRM/A through genocide. To counter this disadvantage, Acholi leaders have to carefully moot a comprehensive post conflict economic program which targets investments in modern technology and value adding industries.

Industries do not run on water and fertile soil alone, there must be various sources of green energy to drive these industries. One of the challenges with relying on plantation as key industry for the entire Acholi land is that Madhvani will always be the sole person to determine market price for sugarcane harvests and energy needs of the region. This is the same problem that out-growers in the Oil Palm projects are facing in Kalangala. They are enslaved because the monopoly of the buyer permanently locks them up in loan arrears and a hand-to mouth life that limits human development. In short, plantation workers are never free people, they are slaves.

If Prof Ogenga does not have personal interests - and we should confidently assume that he is being selfless and all genuine - why doesn't he, as a leader, advocate for a comprehensive industrialization policy for the entire Acholi region? Is the region too backward to have value adding investments such as car assembly plants, international airports, major supermarkets and five star hotels investments to offer competitive advantage over Southern Sudan and Eastern Congo markets?  It is this western “Messiah” syndrome which detracts Prof. Ogenga to make him think that people who are critical of his ambitious ploy to give away land to Madhvani are also jealous of his personal achievements. Plantations are the things of the past.

END

Friday 10 May 2013

Illuminati is definitely behind Muhoozi Project



FAMILY RULE

The recent media fit about the famed Muhoozi Project is one that has generated public curiosity at home and abroad. Many people are wondering whether such a grand plan as Muhoozi Project exist within the NRM top echelon about a possible Muhoozi Presidency. The question that many people are asking is whether President Museveni is preparing his son to inherit the Presidency like most African dictators do.

Recently, Rtd. Col Kasirye Gwanga fired the first salvo in the media, warning that a possible Muhoozi Project will not only split the military and the country, but is objectionable within the security circles. Had Kasirye Gwanga spoken about this Muhoozi Project in isolation and moved on, the issue would not have gained gravity, in the manner it has now. The additional voice of a top security figure, Gen David Sejusa on this matter, has given this Muhoozi Project a form, shape and life of a Dragon.

At its appearance, the NRM apologists would have argued that this Muhoozi Project is a mere illusion. However, we all know how Mr. Museveni operates. We can contend that this media buzz with the Muhoozi Project is a plot by the calculative President Museveni to focus test the idea of a Muhoozi inheritance of power. Through his soldiers, he wants to prepare the landscape for the public acquaintance with a Muhoozi Presidency after Dad. For Muhoozi, it is easy to develop a sense of entitlement to the Presidency; after all, his father worked for it, built it for him and helped him build a personal army within the UPDF for his defense.

If you follow Ugandan politics, you would easily recognize how the President has become so predictable these days. He has become blunter and his frustrations are no longer camouflaged. In the past, he used decoy and other guerilla war strategies to wood-wink the population into trenches. For instance, in 1996 when the president smuggled back censured ministers, he used the most hated and feared man at the time, Maj Roland Mutale Kakooza as a bait, by enlisting him in cabinet. The population had to juggle their conscience to choose between insanity and criminality. They chose the latter and Museveni got back the Sam Kutesa gang of censored ministers back into his government, thereby cementing corruption as acceptable government strategy.

The Muhoozi Project is definitely not an illusion. Gen Sejusa is neither a fool nor a man acting out of delusions. The Muhoozi Project is real and it has roots in the infamous 1990s Basiita clan meeting resolution whose main objective is to place the Bahiima in control of Uganda for at the least, 50 years. This resolution was first leaked out during the 2001 general elections. As usual, the government has denied its existence and distanced itself from any such meeting. But we know that a Muhoozi Project is to perpetuate this grand plan of family rule in Uganda.

Most analysts will agree that this government has redefined public relations as a game of denial. So, whatever secret agenda they have in private will be ferociously denied of its existence in public. The truth is that the Muhoozi Project is a well orchestrated plot by a powerful group of regime loyalist and evidences are there to corroborate its existence, development and subsequent manifestation.

First, it took Muhoozi less than 12 years to rise to the rank of Brigadier in the army, a rank that many officers spend half their military life to attain. The biased selection of Muhoozi to get military trainings in some of the most elite military academies in the world, in the UK, US and South Africa are a living testimony that this man was being processed for a mission specified by the powers that be (the illuminati).

Interestingly, Muhoozi's leadership of the most elite military unit, including the mechanized units of the army places him in charge of a private army within the UPDF. In this unit, most of its officers were handpicked, thoroughly selected and trained through very rigorous procedures to ensure loyalty. Most of these officers, men and women are either Westerners or Bahiima, like the President and the ruling class in Uganda. If one wants to deny this fact, it is worthy a challenge to unveil the names of the top 100 members of this group by rank.

The revelations by Gen. David Sejusa therefore should not be taken lightly as recommended by Dr Chrispus Kiyonga, the Defence Minister. Gen Sejusa is not some pet shop boy around town. He has been the coordinator of security services for a while now and he knows fully what he wrote about in the papers. Gen Sejusa’s revelation also feeds into what Prof Gilbert Bukenya - the former Vice President once opined that this government is full of mafias – the illuminati.

END

Tuesday 7 May 2013

Museveni's Cowboy economy - Money-in-the-sack


RESOURCE DISTRIBUTION

In the last two weeks, President Museveni has been in the international media for his unusual act of generosity. The President carried money in a sack worth 250million shillings and gave it away to Busoga youths. The following few weeks, the President was back in Busoga, this time officiating at an inter-city tourism innovation between Jinja and eleven Swedish townships. The picture of the President whitewashing buildings in Jinja was splashed all over the media in Uganda.

The culture of the President giving out cash money to the folks in the countryside is something which is now entrenched in the mainstream politics of Uganda. It is this cowboy-ish conduct by the President which, to a greater sense, amplifies corruption and de-incentivize genuine human indulgence in economic production. The President has used brown envelops often to give out money to individuals disguise as rewarding hard working Ugandans. That the brown envelop is not included in any systematic national program to be distributed on merit, lends credence to the fact that it is a campaign strategy. In my opinion, the President has launching his 2016 Presidential campaign in Busoga.

The flipside of this money-in-the-sack gang-ho heist is a manifestation of the cowboy economy. We all know that Museveni is an avid cattle keeper and many commentators have likened his management of the Ugandan economy and society to the way he manages his cows. More interestingly, the way the money is withdrawn, and from wherever it comes from before getting distributed, reminds me of the cowboy movies of the 60s, 70s and 80s. Most of the cowboy movies depict lawlessness, bank robberies, scramble for minerals and holding of hostages for ransom. All these features are rife in our Uganda today under Museveni.

President Museveni is known for breaking banks (treasury) to withdraw moneyy for military hardware, thereby increasing military spending without due process (parliamentary approvals). It is so characteristic of cowboys to carry money in sacks to distribute to fellow bandits. In Uganda, the secrecy surrounding minerals, mining, such as gold in Karamoja and oil in Bunyoro qualifies this government as a regime of cowboys and bandits. Indeed, the infatuation with guns, coupled with state inspired corruption is symptomatic of the underlying cowboy culture that is so contemptuous of due process.

It is unfortunate that we people do not treasure history. Although some commentators have derided Ugandans for being lazy, disengaged and blinded to the woes of history, the picture of the President whitewashing Jinja town while clad in his traditional cowboy hat told many unforgettable tales.

Jinja town is in ruins today because of the economic policies pursued by the NRM regime in the 90s. Before the NRM regime, Jinja was the economic heartthrob of Uganda. It was a town adored by many and quite attractive to a host of economic activities. Most importantly, Jinja was the economic gateway, the backbone and the economic heart of Busoga and Uganda. It was the industrial hub of Uganda. Because of Jinja’s industrial powers, it sustained the economic life of the entire eastern Uganda. Towns like Tororo, Mbale, Iganga, Kamuli and many others drew their lifeline on the successes of Jinja. Busoga was a content region, with some of the best healthcare facilities, robust railway network and strong workforce. Jinja therefore provided Busoga and Basoga, the worth and pride of a people.

All these glamour were raided by economic cowboys from the NRM “banditry” disguised as agents of structural adjustment. Jinja Nytil fell, the Chillington, the pulp industry, and then every industry followed. Jinja became a ghost town with many investors leaving the vicinity and relocating elsewhere. The poor, uneducated and those without skills remained to chew on the dust from the industrial ruins.

Buildings feel the absence of humans too and they become old quite quickly once uninhabited. The shops in Jinja became empty quite quickly as the uneducated started developing small retail shops that sold mostly imported goods, such as clothe, soap, match sticks, hoe blades, machetes, plastic shoes, body scrubs, slippers…. that were formerly manufactured in Jinja.

For many years, Jinja developed into ghost city. Its only output is electricity from Owens falls damn and votes to the NRM as if in appreciation for its predicaments. The people of Busoga transmitted this decadence in different ways because they were never prepared for the transition through the shocks created by the death of industries. The emergence of potholes, disparate people, increasing crime rates, diseases, jiggers and horrible slum dwellings have become the landmark identity of Jinja.

So, the cowboy approach of carrying bags of money to lavish to the Busoga youths and then whitewashing Jinja town by the President himself herald the underlying attitude the regime has towards Busoga. Basoga youths do not need cowboy money; they need infrastructure to provide them with vocation and institutions to provide accessible services. But this dire lack of effective services, robust youth skills development policy and employment enhancement policies cannot simply get whitewashed.

 END



Peasantry politics and the crisis of allegiance

PEASANTRY POLITICS Recently Hon. Ojara Martin Mapenduzi dominated the national news headlines over his decision to cooperate with the Nation...