Unpacking The Visit that got Entebbe Road Closed.

WORLD POLITRICKS

#ColdWarFrontiers: Naturally, South Korea is not a country known for its generosity, rather than its technology. When SK streams in your hood with a load of business prospects and talking big, amidst their whispers, then you know there is a labyrinth. The beggar jumps into the fray not knowing that Uganda has become the new frontier of the mild cold war between the West and the East! Then he is trapped on his increasing irking relationship with North Korea. His guests out manoeuvre him causing an announcement that Uganda was to immediately server its relationship with North Korea. Talk about end tied aid. 

This time they tied North Korea on the other end. That is natural. Common sense. Water and oil are immiscible. They do not mix. North and South Korea are like water and oil. When you block our roads built by Chinese for two days for South Korean Honorary President to ride on willy-nilly at the inconvenience of your dispensable citizens, what then do you get? Russia's bobbing heads coming through its emissary - Turkey, and they also speak big and much louder. They speak trade. Practically, Turkey does not have any serious interests in Uganda - economic or otherwise. Turkey is a frontier for Russian trade in illicit weapons and dumping of toxic industrial wastes. This also explain why the Turkish whoever came to Uganda, held his/her business in much privacy compared to that of South Korea. The one who speaks louder, dealt in silence, and the one who whispers, dealt louder, in public realm.

At the end, Museweri keeps lying to Ugandans that we have enough tax base to spur our own development whereas we are still dependant on even poor countries like Turkey. Under Museweri, we shall expand our voluntary submission to servitude to both the West and the East. We are like a whore of a nation in an international brothel that opens its heart and thighs to any "master" who comes with big plans, big purse, big ideas. And when they are done with us, they leave us either the same or, in most cases, worse off than they found us. That is the legacy of Museweri...World Bank and IMF just left us reeling soar down there with their "structural adjustment" and we learnt nothing.. .the #neoslavedealer!

End

The Dialogue: A letter from a student of political science

The Dialogue: A letter from a student

Mr. MoKoms:

I am an American undergraduate student about to begin my fourth year of a bachelor degree in political science. As part of my summer studies, I've come to Gulu to learn more about what political leadership entails here. 

I've also been reading posts online and have stumbled across your contributions to the Acholi Times and am most intrigued by your article about Uganda's recent inability to produce good political leaders. Reading it,  I could not help but think of the current state of American politics, which is mired with the same sort of apathy, distrust, and commercialization you mention as the bane of Ugandan politics. For America, I don't see how we can remedy the situation unless we a) better educate citizens about the responsibilities political representatives have toward them and b) enact structural changes around political funding. Do you think the future looks this bleak for Ugandan politics generally and the Acholi specifically? 

Best, 

TREY (Not real names)

=============================================

Hello Trey,

(Or, may I already call you Otim, if you have not yet been ordained with an Acholi name?)

Thank you very much for your email. First, it is important to understand the genesis of commercialization and the embedding of violence within our democratic/electoral processes. Once you understand this, then you ought to understand the deceptive nature of the current regime and their attendant personalized agenda that have perpetuated this vice to new proportions. With a good grasp of the two, you will then conclude that indeed, the future of democracy or elections in Uganda is indeed gloomy if the country does not engage in genuine dialogue to enact broad and acceptable reforms in the politics and the electoral laws.

To start with, the word "elections" in Uganda is nearly synonymous with violence and bribery. Incidentally, it is state orchestrated violence, replete with all its characteristic chaos. I am sure you will brave yourself to read about the 1996, 2001, 2006, 2011 and 2016 election reports, Supreme Court rulings, etc to see for yourself whether the violence I am referring to has either reduced in magnitude, or has increased. Violence is a specific feature that you cannot miss in any of those elections. And, when I talk about violence, I am looking at violence in the broader sense, and in its rightful proportion of reaching a tipping point for civil strife, or state anarchy. In my view, had it not been for the elements in the opposition to restrain itself exceedingly, Uganda could have slipped in series of armed conflict as a result of all these botched up elections that keeps churning the same corrupt politicians. To understand this, you have to understand that this dictatorship self-perpetuates through violence, the disproportionate use of state repression against its people. I am sure that as a student of political science, you have studied the 1980-86 so-called revolution and what it has done for Uganda. If you have not, then do so asap and travel the country to bear witness to such an unequal distribution of resources under this regime. Also acquaint yourself with proper political history of Uganda from independence. Read it with an open mind to discover the truths that Museveni era scholars and Baganda obscurantists have misconstrued about past regimes, including that of Idd Amin. Writings of Timothy Kalyegira would be a great starting point for critical readers.

That, brings me to the second point - the deceptive nature of this regime. In understand revolutions, one understands that a revolution should bring radical changes in the ways a country is governed, and the welfare of its citizens dispensed from the previous regime. In Uganda, Mr. Museveni has embarked on building a personality cult, just like what we see with all the other African strong men brother-leaders in Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Ethiopia, Eritrea, DRC, Sudan etc. Second, the inherent interests or welfare of Ugandans have become increasingly mutually exclusive from that of Mr. Museveni's.  If anything, the fundamental change has depreciated the values of Ugandans and reduced public service into comatose. As such, the more he personalizes the country;  lays claim over the country's  mineral resources and other national resources, the more he sharpens his tool of repression. This, precisely, is why his brother Gen Salim Saleh has been operating a "private army", that has now been handed over to his son Gen Muhoozi. In the army, there is a Museveni specific army called the Special Brigade. (Note: It is also important to study the impact of structural adjustments and world bank recommended economies eg private sector development on the decaying public service)

Therefore, sustaining power through deception comes with many prices; first, bribery of the political class to procure loyalty and punish disloyalty, and second, use of brutal force where bribery does not suffice. In my other articles, corruption is also viewed as a form of state induced violence against the integrity of our nascent society. And for northern Uganda, it is at the receiving end of this stick in this whole miliue because Northern Uganda endures a punishment from Mr. Museveni in as long as he still rules. He knows that our people are very hard to successfully bribe, woodwink and lie to. He has tried everything, including deporting our own people from their homes to internment, annihilation (genocide), and divide and rule. The residues are evident with the installation of Warlordism in Acholi such as Brig Otema Awany and so forth. What you now see and find in Gulu is an ailing state of Acholi - a post conflict state where everyone is disoriented to the two decades of conflict and internment - a process that dented the confidence and identity of our people. In fact, the entire Acholi region is in dire need of a wide range of social services including mental health services to allow it cope fully from the traumas of the war.

In conclusion, yes, the future of elections and democracy is gloomy in as long as Mr. Museveni rules. First, his appointed electoral commissions have been consistently and persistently found to be incompetent in organizing any elections where Mr. Mu7 is announced winner. In my view, their incompetence is rather by design so as to flaunt electoral laws to stream roll the incumbency. The high cost of public administration and the attendant corruption are forms of bribe to divert accountability and incentivise loyalty. If everyone is dirty, then who has the moral imperative to stop the vice? In the end, Ugandans have no voice in any of these elections, or in the matter of their own administration at every level of government. No matter how they vote, their will always gets usurped violently. I believe that broader electoral reforms and in fact a total change of regime will rescue this state of affairs which is slowly degenerating into master-slave relationship. If unattended to, Uganda will enter yet another state of civil unrest and US Permanent Rep to the UN was right. Mr. Museveni is increasingly a security risk or factor of instability for the region. For now, he thinks fast tracking the East African Community will provide him with a blanket cover to rule and to install his son to rule over Uganda.

I hope you had a good reading although my thoughts were drifting here and there. I feel obliged to respond to all students inquiries as I have been myself a student and continue to study society, politics and governance world-over.

Best Regards

MoKoms

Gen Muntu: It is unusual to move on at this critical time

 FDC POLITICS

 The FDC fraternity has just experienced what we called an ethical dilemma in making a decision to comply with roles of the Opposition in Parliament.  An ethical dilemma occurs when a compelling circumstance arises where the voice of reason ought to prevail bearing in mind all the plausible alternatives, and choosing the ones that maximizes benefits, causes least harm and generally good intentioned for the cause.

Many commentaries arose challenging FDC Party President, Gen Muntu’s decision to comply with demands to play Opposition in Parliament. FDC has the largest number of sworn MPs in the 10^th Parliament and yet, FDC is also engulfed in the fight that its Presidential flag bearer won the February 18, 2016 general elections. Gen Muntu says, his party cannot wail over spilled milk forever and that it is high time they realized that NRM usurped power and established itself as the ruling party.

Muntu’s fluidity in this compliance may not be something unusual but the timing matters. Many of the NRM sympathizers in Opposition have already applauded his decision and lavished Gen. Muntu as the voice of moderation. In fact, the very reason that a significant section of FDC historicals opposed the candidature of Dr Kizza Besigye for the last election was also that Gen Muntu is amiable. However, the Ugandan politics is getting increasingly complex and devoid of principles.

Uganda no longer has genuine opposition to the government of President Museveni. Any plausible opposition should organize and claim its victory after an election. None of the so-called Opposition groups have the capacity to claim and galvanize their own victories. This is a dilemma because political parties have lost meaning and sense of purpose

Further, the traditional parties no longer have either the moral acuity or the capability to generate proper leadership, both within their own parties and for the country. Internal bickering, snitching, sabotage, slandering, and sectarian politics have compounded with personal greed to restrict space for emergence  of new leadership. Members within the opposition are either in pursuit of a career or are in politics to build houses and obtain luxury. None of them can truly claim to have proper intentions of a true freedom fighter. The zeal for a free life has been subordinated with the lust for luxury.

For FDC, it is a bouncing platform where NRM plays its card games, and where those who have fallen out with NRM come to reload their political fortunes. In essence, most of the people in FDC are people who are struggling for personal glory as opposed to legitimate struggle for liberation. They believe they already liberated the country in 1986. The likes of Ingrid Turinawe, Kizza Besigye and the committed strugglers are labeled radicals and treated harshly for fear of this contradiction.

Both UPC and DP are now a variation of NRM. UPC- Akena is in bed with Mr. Museveni, while UPC-Otunnu is with Amama Mbabazi’s NRM, since JPAM refuses to denounce the NRM. Then we have DP with a number of its members working directly with the intelligence networks to snitch and undermine the top party officials for pittance. In essence, none of the so-called political parties in Uganda has capacity or genuine interests to remove the dictatorship. For them, whether NRM or FDC is in power, their privileges remains consolidated. Preserved!

Given these conundrums, one can say that Dr. Kizza Besigye is a unique brand of politician. Dr. Besigye is betrayed by his contemporaries for his bravery and genuine efforts at removing dictatorship.

Since Dr Besigye brand has become bigger than all the opposition groups combined, he is now more a subject of annihilation by the Opposition elements than even the establishment.

In submitting to the frauds of Mr. Museveni and taking the role of Opposition Party, Gen. Muntu can speak tactical language all he wants. Many will view his move as treacherous to Dr Besigye. At least, FDC could have first demanded that the state releases KB unconditionally and engages in dialogue to settle the political dilemma arising out of unresolved electoral reforms for future elections.

It is just unusual to move on at this critical time when your leader is in prison, facing treason, or in the absence of electoral reforms.

END

NCHE not meeting standards

ACADEMIC EVALUATION

The National Council for Higher Education (NCHE) is an important body tasked with establishing academic integrity and perhaps, to ensure the quality of Higher Education in Uganda. In the last few years, NCHE has been instrumental in verifying academic transcripts for purposes of establishing its equivalence, validity, or authenticity.

NCHE is critical for many people who aspire to join politics. One of the most retarded requirements in our politics is the low expectations that contestants for Parliament to have obtained an equivalent of Advanced Level Certificate in Education. That means a candidate must have spent six (6) years in Uganda’s high school and completed UACE exams, or obtained its equivalent from elsewhere (debatable subject).

In the last few years, NCHE has not performed well in discharging this duty of accreditation where applicants have a complicated academic history. There are many cases, the Hon. Peter Ssematimba’s case that recently appeared in the media reaffirms by point (See DM May 13, 2016: NCHE boss tasked to explain Ssematimba’s papers).

It is important for NCHE to study how other countries and organizations, like the World Education Services (WES), do their credentialing. There are a million of such organizations out there.

However, NCHE needs to develop a standardized definition of what constitute an equivalent of any level of education in Uganda if they already do not have one. For instance, PLE needs definition –we can define it by number of years spent in school, number of subjects a pupil must study, or the competencies that one must have accumulated from the system; and how one gains access to each level of education. This same standard ought to be maintained for ordinary, Advanced and University/College Education.

As it is, it appears that as long as NCHE is not sure of one’s details of education, such a person is qualified. That is detrimental, as it lowers the quality and erodes the integrity of our education system.

Further, NCHE should make it a point to standardize its processes. For instance, the World Education Services tasks the applicant to provide it with original copies of their transcripts from their academic institutions. The transaction is institution-to-institution to ensure integrity. In the case of Mr. Peter Ssematimba’s he would have contacted Pacific Technical Institute and Asuza Pacific University to provide NCHE with copies of his trancripts.

Further, NCHE should know that for one to qualify to join college or University, one needs the High School Diploma/Certificate – this is where, how one enters an institution matters. You do not come from O level into a University. In additional, it is important to note that merely enrolling into a college or University should not qualify a candidate automatically as having met that “minimum A level” requirement. NCHE should bother to profile every country’s education system as and when needed; and strive to establish contact with their ministry of education or accreditation bodies, through the embassies or direct contact. These contacts are online, and the cost should be included in the fees levied for the verification exercise.

There are many colleges and Universities in this world. NCHE may not know all of them and does not need to know all of them. However, NCHE has to adhere to due diligence to ensure that Uganda’s education system has some integrity upon which other education systems can be weighed against favorably.

We already know that there are so many fake Universities and Colleges, as well as multitude of fake college diplomas and degrees on the street out there. It is important to establish a standardized format upon which every applicant should submit academic credentials for evaluation. It is also upon the candidate to ensure that they contact the relevant authorities those countries in the event that their Institutions of learning have seized to exist.  For instance, if one of the colleges or universities were to close down, how would NCHE and Ministry of education ensure that student records and their degrees or diplomas are preserved? How can these graduates access their records when needed?

In short, no one goes to a credible University or College without having met the basic minimum qualification for admissions. If they obtained upgrading to meet the minimum qualification through credible adult learning schools, those should be sufficient to qualify them as having advanced level education.

END.

Uganda is no longer able to produce the leaders it deserves

LEADERSHIP CRISIS

Meet any 6 years old, a peasant, or an 85 years old person in Uganda, and they will tell you that politicians are liars and not to be trusted. The apathy towards our politicians is so deeply ingrained in our society that it needs proper scrutiny. How did society become alienated from its leadership such that they no longer identify with their leaders?

I started hearing the phrase “politics is a dirty game” in the post-Amin mid 80s. As a pupil, I was fascinated with reading English newspapers and Magazines, so I followed politics naturally.

The 80s was mostly pre-occupied with post Aminism. Stories where politicians were butchered or shot during firing squad dominated the media. The papers recited these stories with profound obsession with names and events described as if they happened only yesterday. Such stories were gory and instilled fear about politics its readers. Ugandans feared to participate in politics because the Amin era brutality drove public interests in matters of governance away from the shades of the state. The militancy in Politics was seen as the monopoly of Amin’s carpetbaggers, kakwas and Sudanese.

The Obote II regime of 1980-85 also had its many shortcomings. Nonetheless, people got enticed back into liberation politics and governance. During this time, some semblance of order, peace, and democracy returned to Uganda’s politics, albeit the new intrigue ingrained in sectarian, tribal, and religious bigotry. Politicians did not feel as fearful as during Amin’s regime. The liberation struggle had changed the way people felt about the new Uganda. Participating in Politics was not a death ticket. The politicians whose influence in politics was disrupted by the 1971 coup, felt that the opportunity had availed itself to participate in government again.

In the 80s, Ugandans had respect for their elected politicians and vice versa. Politics was ideological and leaders understood what “ideology” meant, in its truest sense. As such, all the parts of the economy worked within its natural limits. The politicians ensured that schools worked, co-operatives delivered to farmers, hospitals were up-to-date in stock and practice, Civil servants paid promptly, transportation system worked, and; roads were maintained. At least, in every village there was the presence of ROKO Construction Company – every month the yellow Caterpillar and Trucks either from Roko or Ministry of Works (Pida), graded and maintained the roads. Back then, things worked – telex, phone, and posta, all delivered on time. Development was predictable, incremental, equitable, and national in character!

It becomes clear then, that when the government responds to the social, economic and security needs of its people, the apathy and scrutiny towards its politicians reduces. Leaders are seenin positive light and respected. Their words are valued. When nothing works and yet politicians straddle village paths making promises, then the apathy escalates into distrust and then frustration. In the face of persistent systematic failures and structural collapse, the relationship between the people and their government naturally becomes frosty. If government cannot account the elected Representatives are held responsible.

The pre-Museveni Acholi produced some of the best politicians in Uganda. These were incorruptible leaders who valued their own integrity and that of their communities. The adage that “society gets the leaders that it deserves”, in Acholi was true. Our elected leaders back then, measured up to the community’s expectations. People like Zachary Olum, Andrew Adimola, Obadia Lalobo, Daudi Ochieng, JJ Otim, Alex Ojera, Otema Alimadi, EY Lakidi, Akena P'Ojok, Olanya Olenge, Wilson Oryema and so forth, where exemplary qualities of human beings.

Not to say that the Museveni-era did not produce good leadership in Acholi. Credits must be accorded to the generation of Norbert Mao, Reagan Okumu, Apila, Okello Okello, Odonga Otto, and all those leaders that held Acholi together during its most fragile moments of near annihilation.

Today, the commercialization of politics and individualism makes it hard for a society to maintain its moral standards and traditions that generated quality leaderships of the past. Our leaders of today are unconscionable, uncritical, superficial, and weak in character. To get elected, they must cling on to yellow color, a General, coercion instruments of bribery. Elections of these days are too coercive. It is a moment of traumatic chaos whose outcomes are pitiful; nothing representative of what society would truly wish for.  As such, our Uganda only produces leaders that she does not deserve.

END

A change in school curriculum should enforce a cultural revolution

SCHOOL CURRICULUM

The debate about the confusing nature of the hyped new Ugandan curriculum has resurfaced. Parliament has suspended the implementation of this curriculum, and yet, some select schools are already piloting the same curriculum. What will become of the students who will have been “guinea pigs” in this whole process?

Uganda’s education system has run out of relevance since it was suited to colonial interests. In previous dispositions, I argued that the school system was designed to reorient the colonized people to the British civilization and boost colonial labour force. The school system was never designed to produce critical thinkers, innovators, and entrepreneurs of the quality as those produced in England and the Western hemisphere. The Colonialists had accomplished all those, and the colonized were situated to consume and implement intellectual products of European cultures. A change in education system therefore, is a cultural revolution, and not merely changes of subject names, workloads, and categories.

Surprisingly, Ugandans have subjected themselves to such a repressive system of education, which has for all purposes and intents, reoriented Africans against their own civilization, identities, and causes. Many authors have written about the mis-education of the blacks, Negroes, or Colonized people. The colonial system ensures that we produce uninformed, uninspired, un-liberated graduates deprived of self-identity, self-efficacy, and self-worth.

In May of 2014, while attending the 2^nd international Scientific conference of the Society for the Advancement of Science in Africa, in Kampala, I had a great chat with several lecturers and Professors from various Ugandan Universities about the challenges of current university enrolment. These dons all agree that the quality of students admitted at all their Universities have declined tremendously. Even the zeal befitting of regular university students have long declined.

Students come to Universities when they do not have the requisite skills, such as mastery of instructional language, lacking skills of comprehension of basic concepts, the motivation to read widely and self-learn are all in disarray. The Dons pointed out that the quality of assignments is still very lacking both in innovation and in depth of research. Usually the poor performing students quickly adopt the seductive alternatives to excel in school by offering sex and other after school deals for favourable grades. These are issues of academic integrity and it is what follows our graduates into the field.

 I have since reflected on some of the details of our school curriculum. I concluded that what lacked is not materials. In any case, the education system has retained outdated materials in excess volumes. Students of Uganda have so much old and outdated materials that materials is not a problem. To me, what remains a major problem is the lack of a systematic design of the school experience to challenge and develop fully mental faculties of students, and to root that experience in our current challenges as a Nation.

For instance, the "Vocationalizing" of the school system would teach children how to lay bricks, partake in carpentry, draughtmanship etc. While I have no problem with that, I only think such is a small part of the curriculum. It should not be "the curriculum" and promoted as such. Students should be taught innovation and research, how to organize labour, how to improve on the quality and presentation of their products etc. Students have to be oriented to locally available resources within a familiar cultural context and learn to make good out of it, instead of waiting for Chinese products. After all, Science is only relevant if it propels human civilization. That civilization is not European civilization, but African civilization. Ugandan civilization.

There is something called liberating pedagogy. It strives to teach meanings, roots, causes etc. To unpack meanings embedded in complex concepts, such that the learner can, with assistance and/or on their own, explore critically, what it is, that they must learn. I am sure that we would be shocked if we were to conduct a test to see how many high school and university students can accurately tell what a "Capital city" is to a Nation. In liberating pedagogy, Paul Freire and others explicate the concept of “bunking” knowledge in students, and it is what this curriculae are designed for.

We teach about  the defunct Tennessee River Authority with an obsession;  the Bronx in New York that long gentrified; Lumbering in British Columbia where tree planting is more fascinating than the lumbering itself;  the Dykes in Netherlands that shows human triumph over nature; Dairy farming in Copenhagen, or tourism in the Rhine River etc. We expose our students to all these comparative developments without a deliberate comparison with our own Owen falls dam which is now cracking; the deafforestation that is devastating Uganda’s environment; the upsurge of slum dwellings or collapsing buildings; or, the severe lack of decent modern housing in our urban centres; or the collapse of the public sector. Many important lessons such as the starvation in Karamoja in the face of excessive milk that goes to waste in the Cattle corridor, or huge Corn and Matooke production elsewhere, could provide a practical relevance. We have a rich eco-system for tourism in Uganda that are more relevant than  a hybrid curriculum that glorifies things that matter little to us, locally. In other words, we have enough materials locally at home, to anchor our education system on, than basing our education on things that make our own inferior, non-essential, backward and condemned.

I am one of those privileged to have obtained education in Uganda and in Canada, and so are the many curricular experts in Uganda who are behind this suspended curriculum. The Canadian kids know very little about Uganda or Africa, other than the pitiful images they see on TV adverts. All school textbooks are about Canada and by Canadian writers - history, geography, science, politics, philosophy, language, presentations of intellectual properties, etc. You never find any materials in classroom that was written, or imported from abroad, unless such a material serves to strengthen economic relationship with say, USA. This practice is prevalent across the education system such that knowledge production is constantly challenged and evolving.

Further, students are taught fundamental competences of reasoning, critical thinking, problem solving, independent thinking, teamwork, research, accountability, public relations, innovation, risk assessment/management and community service. Students have to dedicate time in the community to graduate. Issues of plagiarism are introduced as early as in elementary school so that students grow through the academic system conscious of originality and the protection of intellectual property rights. Students are taught how to properly articulate (proper manner of presentation) and to integrate current evidence (within last 5 years) to enrich their learning and endevour.

It is in these realms, that our education system lacks enormously. As you can see, the new curriculum is designed to over load students and stuff them with eurocentric or outdated colonial materials. It is like the designers just moved colonial bricks from one corner to another. The way the course units are designed and clumped together, mislead students and teachers alike. Students need clarity, consistency, and liberty to choose the subjects that they want to study. The curriculum should be set such that it is goal and skills oriented, rather than workload oriented. A student knows that when s/he study X number of subjects, then s/he will graduate with desired sets of skills. This way, we do not sacrifice brilliant students who have no natural abilities in either ARTS or Sciences that the outdated UNEB system.

Lastly, a revised education system needs a competent teaching force capable of implementing it. Teachers in Uganda need proper university as a minimum education level, with equally rigorous preparations in matters of pedagogy, curriculum development, student development, and purposeful education. Teaching should not attract retarded and poor school performers who are shoved through teacher’s colleges as last career resort where they are entrenched in colonial system of education that we are moving away from. Many of the teachers in these schools do not know much about curriculum processes, enforcing academic discipline vs corporal punishments, and are not trained often to upgrade their knowledge. Given the low pay and adverse working conditions, teachers spend more time in Saccos and makeshift shops, than preparing for lessons and reading to expand their knowledge. We need to prepare comprehensively so that the education system caters to the teacher, students and parents- to assert its cultural relevance.  The comprehensive school-community approach will give Uganda a great essence of an education system. As it is, we are running in circles.

END