Gulu Market and the symbolism of glamour

GULU MARKET

The Oxford dictionary defines the noun “glamour” as an attractive or exciting quality that makes a person or a thing seems appealing. The magnanimity of Gulu Market when contrasted with any forms of tangible development in Northern Uganda for the last 30 years makes it glamorous. A new physical attraction supplanted amidst a destitute population in Gulu and Lira serves a great symbolic purpose of a renewal.

Gulu Municipality, like most towns in Northern Uganda has the allure of a shanty settlement. The times under which these places endured civil unrest deprived the generation of witnessing real development but decay. For them now, any development that sprouts in Gulu is a reward from the kind hands of the President. As such, people started seeing new public facilities like Bank of Uganda, Gulu Local Council Offices, the Judiciary Offices, and partly Gulu University emerge as a post conflict reward from President Museveni.

I have a fond memory of the old Gulu market. Back in the days, it served the people well. I recall vividly the buzz of life at the market during hot sunny days. As a pupil of Holy Rosary, we would sneak out during lunch breaks to buy some bananas (Menvu) and boiled corn (maize). At times, we would navigate the packed traffic at the market to run down by the valley to buy sugarcanes.

Gulu market had specific gender significance because it defined expectations by gender. In most families, when men or women left their homesteads, their return would exemplify whether they passed via Gulu market or not. Wives would divorce their husbands who went on a journey to Gulu town but did not return with dried or salted fish, salt, or cooking oil. Gulu market was more important to the daily endevour of the people than just the glamour.

Those were the good old days before the NRA came to town, and before the NRA Kadogos (child soldiers) started arresting, harassing, and murdering people on suspicion of having served in UNLA that they derogated as Obote’s Army. The advent of the NRA in Gulu changed the image of the marketplace. It became a different place altogether. By the end of 1986, it was a place of fear where one would bear witness to firing squad or broad day light arrest of suspected “Anyanyas”.

Subsequently, Gulu market and Pece Stadium (Bar-Pece) became the dual symbol of decay for this town and its society.

Acholi youths were known for sportsmanship and artistry. The boys played soccer and the girls, netball. They took Pece Stadium very seriously as a place where great talent converged – a symbol of talent. Playing at the stadium was a prestige and something every young man longed to experience.

In fact, the fascination of playing at Pece Stadium inspired exceptional artistry in the young Acholi people when it came to music dance and drama. Literally, every school child played an instrument, mastered Acholi songs, and executed quite a number of rich Acholi dance genres with precision of a pro. Every school vied for a spot to perform at Pece Stadium. Pece was the gateway to national Stardom that probably culminated with a performance at National Theatre or Nakivubo in Kampala.

In the same breadth, shopping at Gulu market was the delight of every young Acholi woman, wife, mother, and grandmother. It was the economic hub of the region.  

Gulu Market and Pece Stadium were dream theatres.

Then the war took away the youths – the very foliage of that society. Then both Pece stadium and Gulu Market embarked on rapid decay. This followed an intensely sustained propaganda that Acholi people are a violent backward chauvinists. The image of the Acholi was tainted as that of violent killers, heartless chauvinists, and so forth. It took many people by surprise and such reprisals helped largely to mobilize sentiments against the Acholi haters.

And, here we are, celebrating the renewal of Gulu market, a symbol of glamour which may have come without the old forms of life that pre-occupied it. Definitely, Gulu market without Pece Stadium is like a glamorous smiling woman with a very ill partner.

END

Being a Minister has no bearing on how Uganda is governed

PRESIDENTIAL APPOINTMENTS

The nostalgia that shrouds the Nation prior to a new cabinet or RDC announcements in Uganda remains an enigma. Such characteristic nostalgia lacks excessively after the reading of the budget. One would imagine that issues of taxes should naturally concern Ugandans more than political appointments.

Why do Ugandans still respond with this strange nostalgia following Presidential appointments?

In the close to 30 years of President Museveni’s rule in Uganda, he has carried out so many reshuffles, appointments and disappointments, both in cabinet, public service heads and among RDCs with their deputies or assistants. There are many lessons one can learn by critically observing the guerilla tactics and strategies of President Museveni. How he deploys these skillfully over unsuspecting civilians reveals his mastery of survival overall.

First, there are people that he has recycled at every level, as ministers, the likes of Honourable Sam Kutesa, Moses Ali, Kahinda Otafiire, Ruhakana Rugunda, Jim Muhwezi, John Nassasira, Amama Mbabazi, Crispus Kiyonga and others. In his list of recycled Ministers, the people from his part of the country have bounced back to cabinet even when they have presided over financial misappropriations in their line Ministries, or botched up special tasks under their dockets. In comparison, individuals from other regions, once fallen even on mere suspicion, are never recycled – in fact, they are alienated even further from government.

President Museveni has determined that some individuals are made of ministerial genetic materials, while others are befitting of occasional roles as ministers. As such, he chooses those who will remain foundational at each level of political appointment; Ministers, Ministers of state, RDC, deputy or Assistant RDC.

Likewise, if your genes are suited for the task of an RDC, then you will be sure enough to perform at that level and recycled at the same level until your absolute relevance is depleted then you are dumped.

A major feature is that the “Museveni way” is the fusion of patriotism with Musevenism, - a sub-ideology that promotes the life Presidency for a man heralded as a divine gift to Uganda.

Musevenism as an ideology is the false teaching that loving your country (Patriotism) is akin with loving the person of Museveni and his family. Patriots are those who tow the Museveni line, those indoctrinated with bush-era ideology under the custody of NRA/UPDF political commissars, and taught that Museveni is a God’s gift to Uganda. For him, it is about longevity that endears him to youthful leaders. They help him bridge the intergenerational gap to remain relevant, and when reduced by nature to install his Prince as a successor.

Therefore, enthusiasts like Honourables; David Bahati, Frank Tumwebaze, Richard Todwong, Evelyn Anite, Aida Nantaba etc do not nourish Museveni’s intellect one bit. They reaffirm it. They are concurrently a means and an outcome of his ideology of self-perpetuating. These individuals are no longer merely “Patriots”, they have attained the highest levels of accomplishments as Musevenists, who profess Musevenism.

Some analysts have argued that President Museveni has ideal Ministers in those he recycles. These people are never worried for a night of not featuring in Museveni’s cabinet. So, why is there so much nostalgia when each cabinet reshuffle or RDC appointments occur?

One possible explanation is that being a Minister of Museveni has lost value. To be a Minister, you have to become a Musevenist like Hon Evelyn Anite, be a celebrated thief (corrupt), or act as an object of appeasement to electorates. Competence, vision, authenticity, and independence of mind are considered subversive requirement for this job. 

Second, because Presidential appointee are associated with fleecing on the country’s resources – given the spate of public theft by ministers, many of whom end up being recycled – some people have worked so hard to attain the status of being a Musevenists to win a Presidential appointment. Each ministerial or RDC appointment time therefore, is looked at fervently as a window of opportunity to ascend to a public office for self-aggrandizement.

Otherwise, I contend that being a Minister, Presidential Advisor or an RDC now has no bearing on how President Museveni governs Uganda.

END