A call for stronger, united Opposition in 2015

OPPOSITION UNITY

As we enter 2015, there is need to call for a stronger and united opposition to prepare adequately for a reorganized NRMO. Many cynics appear ambivalent in accepting the grueling environment in which Opposition actors operate. Opposition politics is laced with thorns and treacherous hurdles to overcome, requiring lots of resources and meticulous organizing. By nature, the Opposition must be dynamic in ideology to succinctly capture the emerging problems of society with pragmatic responses. Most of our societal problems are generated by instability caused to the 1995 Constitution. 

The Constitution has become the instrument of expression of the aspirations of the dominant group in power. No amount of effort or methods can succeed in advancing alternative ideology using the Constitution given the numerical disadvantage of opposition in the legislature and at local governments. Politics is about domination by ideas and opposition ought to find those sets of ideas to effectively attract the youth population.

Uganda’s Opposition has problems that are similar, but not as galvanizing as those pressed by malignancies of colonialism. These are problems created by stooges and agencies of imperialism whose objectives are driven by innate greed for power. African leaders, like Mugabe and Museveni are setbacks to Africa’s civilization. They have forcefully dominated productive space by maintaining regressive ideologies which have stifled evolution of progressive ideas through generations. Therefore, one can say that the persistent problems of post-cold war African are three; leadership, clarity of independent ideology, and uncritical unresponsive masses.

The case for Uganda’s Opposition is unique, complex and deserving of attention. The dominant Opposition forces in Uganda appear subsumed in ideological aberrations, leading to conflicting loyalties among its cadres, and subsequent intra-organizational confusions. Such a problem makes it difficult for the masses to clearly identify a unique trait that is discernible from the establishment.

For instance scholars have identified that the FDC has retained among its ranks elements that are sympathetic to the bush-era NRM ideologically. And it is problematic in many ways. It compromises the ability to project its own distinctive, enduring and effective mobilizing ideology. Pioneer reformists such as, Rtd Col. Dr Kiiza Besigye and Maj John Kazoora have maintained variedly that the NRM ideology was flawed from its inception. They pointed out that the organization was always characterized by inequities and corruption engendered from within its top leadership right from the bushes into government.

At this stage of its existence, the FDC should cultivate a distinct ideology that is exemplary in all its facets and that whose stance on corruption and obscurantism are concrete. Further, this Party is tested on the ground, has deep roots and should lead in the negotiation for possible single interparty candidates in all elective positions come 2016.

The liberation frontlines have long shifted to a youthful population with better education and technological sophistication. Traditional Parties, such as UPC, DP and CP appears stunted and blunted in ideology to appeal to the liberal mindsets of the youthful generation. I may be dead wrong on this, but unless these Parties accept a political merger, they will remain an obstinate inconvenience in the Opposition politics going forward. In the mind of the youth, these Parties are the caricatures that symbolize the distant past of Uganda, given the 30 years of uninterrupted NRMO misrule.

Most importantly, we can scientifically collect evidences from past elections to demonstrate a growing empathy towards Inter-Party platforms. Trends in Opposition victories from direct and by-elections shows that Inter-Party candidates have had better chances at victory over the well financed NRM machination. It is also true that when Inter-Party candidates prevail, the celebration ignites a national rhythm creating the prerequisite impetus for social change. These patterns are imperative given the numerical and financial advantage of incumbency. The population appears attracted to a stronger, united and mature Opposition that is not obsessed with past glories, internal bickering, betrayals…, but a focus on social transformation beyond NRMO.

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Is the UPDF Impartial, non-partisan and Professional?

Militarism, Civilian Rule

The cloak over Uganda army's (the UPDF) impartiality in civilian politics needs urgent unveiling. Traditionally, public scrutiny of the conduct, character and composition of the UPDF is prohibited by its founder and Commander-in-Chief. I am taking this task out of leap of courage, hoping that it will find an equally a courageous Editor to even consider it for publishing!

I am responding to UPDF Spokesperson, Lt Col Paddy Ankunda’s previous articles (DM: November 7, 2014), and to his deputy, Maj. Henry Obbo’s recent one on this subject of UPDF’s impartiality (See: UPDF is a disciplined, non-partisan force, DM December 8, 2014). In these articles, the UPDF is exemplified as very impartial, non-partisan and professional army that would respect voters’ choices for change of regime; and does not intrude into civilian affairs.

While many of us have been alive long enough to witness the transformation of the NRA from those rag tag revolutionary elements of 1986 to today’s UPDF, we must place caveats when discussing its impartiality. I am inclined to ask, to what extent is the UPDF impartial, non-partisan and professional?

The UPDF may be a disciplined and professional army when compared with other armies in the region or past armies of Uganda. What is known is that the UPDF is not impartial either in their ideology or in dispensation of their allegiance. Given its history, the UPDF is openly still fused with, and as an appendage of the NRM Party. Therefore, to state that the UPDF does not ally with the incumbency is lunacy at best, if not a manifestation of traumatic stress syndrome.

Our most recent history will absolve us. We have been informed from 2001 when Kiiza Besigye contested for the Presidency, that he should not play with the UPDF because it belongs to its founder, the incumbent.

We have also seen the presence of UPDF in previous elections, practically intimidating voters. All of the UPDF commanders openly campaigns for the incumbent, need we mention names? They even use military facilities to compound to the humongous incumbency advantage. To this date, most NRM candidates in constituencies are vetted by, and must be seen to be supported by the army commanders. There is evidence through testimonies, and the voting patterns in most UPDF garrisons, like Achol-Pii, Gulu, Mbuya Barracks, Summit View, etc., where soldiers are mobilized, and ordered to vote for NRM candidates. We can review election results from UPDF barracks since 2001 for coincidence.

Incidentally, Politicians tend not to pursue these anomalies but it does not imply that Ugandans are blind to the partiality of UPDF during elections. If the UPDF were impartial, why should they be allowed to intimidate civilian during elections?

This brings me to the persistence of UPDF in Parliament, which is a civilian platform where an impartial army should not be represented. Now, if Maj. Henry Obbo and his boss need real hard evidence, let us examine voting patterns of UPDF in Parliament from the Hansard as a microcosm of UPDF’s ideological leaning. The UPDF can fool only the naïve about their purported impartiality, whereas they are openly not.

If UPDF were impartial, why did members of the high command assert in subsequent campaigns when Besigye challenged the status quo that they would not salute whoever wins President Museveni? What happened to Brig. Henry Tumukunde when he tried to exhibit independence of thought, wasn’t he forced to resign from his seat as Army MP? There are numerous examples that the limits of this article will exclude.

There are many more questions to ask than answers when it comes to discussing the degree of impartiality of the UPDF in Uganda’s politics. However, we recognize that there is even limited tolerance for public scrutiny of UPDF, especially its internal intricacies. Col. Ankunda could, perhaps, encourage internal dialogue within the army about ideological impartiality so that they exclude the public from such a debate; and to withdraw UPDF from Parliament.

 

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No tears for former PM, Mr. Mbabazi

Mbabazi Vs Museweri

The rift between President Museveni and the Kinkizi West MP, Hon Amama Mbabazi should not excite the youths going to the NRMO Delegates’ Conference. The groups that identify as poor/jobless NRM youths, jobless brotherhood etc should instead hold both Mr. Museveni and Mbabazi accountable for the policies that have diminished opportunities for youths.

These youths know that Mbabazi has been the engine of the system that has alienated them from socio-economic development of this country. If I were a youth, I would shed no tear for Mr. Mbabazi and vote against the NRMO come 2016. In fact, I would dry firewood to roast Mr. Mbabazi, socially and politically to allow him understand the experiences of being marginalized in one’s own country.

Not that I have a “thing” against Hon. Mbabazi, but I have witnessed him evolve through the system, building it into this insensible monster that now rules with impunity and doles out billions of shillings to educate Sudanese, Burundians, and Rwandese youths when our youths lack the requisite skills to access gainful employment. If Mr. Mbabazi gets consumed by this system, it would only teach others of his likes to design political graves for others while taking into consideration that they may require one for themselves at some point. The African soil is red for reasons; it is notorious for consuming those who subvert nature!

In 2005, I wrote an article about how certain elements within the NRM were digging their own graves by entrenching tyranny in Uganda. People like Hon. Mbabazi, Gen Tinyefuza, Maj. Mutale Kakooza, Brig. Mayombo, Gen. Kayihura etc, were legitimizing and consolidating the oligarchic cabal without forethought. Today, none of them is proud of the product of their handy-work. For them, it is too late to undo the damage, so they turn to the youths that they have marginalized and immobilized with fear. Youths should not accept to die in the causes of these evil men. Let them carry their own crosses to crucify themselves. Other zealots within the system may learn from such experiences.

Once upon a time there was the “Yellow Girls” phenomenon. These cheered on as dead bodies of youthful demonstrators piled on the streets of Kampala. Fortunately, most of these people do not see eye to eye with the President anymore. Some of them are not exactly as yellow, maybe cream or even crimson by now!

The youths should learn from how the composition of the NRM is changing very rapidly. What is constant is that the youths always received the short end of the stick. Some misguided youths actively negotiate for such a fate!

Although the National Youth Council (NYC) exists, it is not very inclusive given its limited budget and scope. Uganda today has almost 78% of its population comprising of youths, this is about 27 million young people between the ages of 15 – 30 years. This easily overwhelms the NYC. In addition, the education system has proven inadequate in instilling and honing skills in the youth to generate critical thinkers and innovators. This is why NRM is stuck with “poor” helpless youths who are demanding for employment, instead of creating jobs and innovating. This problem goes beyond Mr. Mbabazi and his rivals; it is the collective policy problems of the NRMO regime as a whole. The youths should hold all of them accountable.

I could be wrong, but clearly what is endearing these youths to Mr. Mbabazi is the myth that the former PM is “loaded”!  People believe that JPAM has stashed away billions of shillings in Israel and China. But when the youths come to debunk this myth, they will discard Mr. Mbabazi from their agenda.

This is where Mr. Museveni says that the youths are a misguided missile. In fact, they should be holding the NRM accountable for their gloomy prospects to fruitful and rewarding life. It is worthless to support feuding leaders when they should be pushed out. I contend that NRM policies as a whole should be targeted for a complete overhaul.

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