Museveni has Killed hopes for liberal democracy

AFRICAN DICTATORSHIP

I read with much consternation that Museveni’s regime suspended the operation of some civil society organizations in Uganda claiming that they have failed to oblige by the CSO standards and laws set by the dictatorship. Among the suspended CSOs is Chapter 4, a legal hub that offers pro-bono legal services to the most wretched of the earth.

Closing CSO is only one act of killing democracy. Not long ago, the last Parliament passed yet another draconian law that illegalizes same-sex relationships.  To mask all these retrogressive laws, Parliament also passed other bogus laws such as jailing, mostly, male sexual offenders for an incredibly harsh term only equivocated by a Taliban lawmaker. In this article, I wish to illuminate how Museveni’s regime has killed democracy and opened a door to a full military dictatorship – or perhaps, post-democracy parlance.

Civil society Organizations are very important in a developing liberal democracy. Civil Society Organizations are understood roughly as that space between the market and the state. It is not part of largely misunderstood political opposition. However, it can be mistaken as one depending on the level of democracy or tolerance of dissent in society.

The proliferation of Civil Society Organizations may demonstrate things – one, that the state is reneging on its duties such that a gap in service exists. Take for instance, CSOs that deal with human rights, or maternal-child mortality prevention shows that these gaps exist. Second, where the market becomes too dominant such that profit-making (high levels of commodification and stratification) trumps over social equity, CSOs may emerge to illuminate such social inequities. There emerges Anti-poverty coalitions, anti-corruption groups, pro-accountability groups etc. Third, in doing the latter two actions, CSO also helps provide employment in a society where a majority of the educated are unemployed or miseducated enough to spend time searching for white-collar jobs.

There are several instances where CSOs have been used and abused. Take, for instance, the fact that foreign interests may wish to inject an alien culture in society to create a consumer market. They make funding available to CSOs to promote that consumer culture. Scholars in this field view CSO as shock absorbers of corporate exploitation when they become recipients of corporate social responsibility activities.  I have previously made attempts to alert the nation that whatever cultural practices that Africans had, the anti-African cultural terrorists pay out people through NGOs to abandon it, only for them to reproduce and commercialize it. Take, for instance, vaginal and body adulterations or decorations. But this discussion is for another article.

The emphasis here is that Mr. Museveni and his minders have lost the cause of liberal democracy by tightening the noose on civil society organizations. Proponents of neoliberalism in Uganda should pay heed because a revolution is inevitable under these circumstances.

At the swearing-in ceremony in 2016, Museveni promised that by 2021, there would be no opposition. When Robert Kyagulanyi’s red-army movement sprung, it took Museveni by surprise because he thought he had succeeded in destroying the opposition. FDC, the strongest and most sober opposition political organization had splintered. Dr. Besigye, its main brand had been isolated using both soft and hard violence. The traditional parties, UPC, CP, and DP had become NRM allies or indulged in internal kitty-cat fights that crippled their effectiveness.

Democracy without an alternative school of thought is called a dictatorship. In the US, we can also say there is a dictatorship in their democracy that is dominated by the Republicans and Democrats. At least, it is a two-party dictatorship. In Uganda, it is a one-party military tyranny characterized by violence, voter bribery, and suppression of human rights as well as the civic space. Seen in another way, both Uganda and the USA are dictatorships. The difference being judicial independence and public participation in the US, while in Uganda, violence, suppression of human rights and liberties predominate.

The implication of closing the CSO space is that alternative spaces for social and political renewal have been quashed. Not long ago, we saw Museveni celebrating how Kyagulanyi and colleagues were brutalized in Arua. In another public appearance, he faked concern over the brutality visited on suspects under UPDF and Police custody. Above all, the bigger statements are seen in the policies of the regime and not the few verbal niceties that numb the mind of its tyranny. The US has demonstrated once again that it is no longer a champion of democracy if it can exploit Africa. No one cares about democracy anymore as everyone is economically strapped in the post-COVID-19 era. Harshly, we must think of a post-democracy world and contend with it!

END

 

 

 

 

 

How the Museveni's Regime is Committing Social Murder under COVID-19

  

SOCIAL MURDER

When COVID 19 first hit the world, it revealed that many societies had successfully obscured widespread social inequities. Towards the end of 2020 data confronted us from the US and UK that unveiled these outrageous inequities as COVID 19 struck had. COVID 19 made visible a form of embarrassing social inequities. But these were known as deliberate outcomes of public policies that had developed over centuries in capitalist countries.

The morbidity and mortality from COVID-19 among the disadvantaged population demonstrated a need to review the dominant policies that seek the production of health. The poor and less powerless section of the population, mostly people of color, immigrants, the elderly single mothers, and the elderly were the most exposed, contracted, and died from Covid-19.

Such morally objectionable differences between people that we can correct through a democratic and equity-oriented public policy became the defining moment for the developed industrial countries. Even superpowers were helpless in halting and reversing the onslaught of coronavirus.

Social inequities anywhere call for immediate action to address the structural and systemic facets that make them thrive. Specifically, the situation with COVID 19 called attention to the redistribution of social, cultural, economic, and political resources - all of which are determinants of health. It called for less commodification and stratification of society but more of decommodification and destratification. The pandemic response should have been driven by a unified global sense of urgency to save humanity from its indignation, suffering, encountering unnatural deaths, and not to entirely commercialize or profit from it!

The causes of social inequities in every society have their historical, structural, material, and power relations. Power and governance are key determinants of social inequities, especially under the neoliberalism capture.  How power is distributed determines which group gains or loses societal privileges to better services and/or social and economic resources to live a healthier life.

Those without power are deprived of the material conditions to live a fulfilling life in the same society, thereby creating a two-tiered nation – of the poor majority and a rich few. In Uganda, we saw how some people reaped big from the streams of COVID-19 prevention monies lavished to Uganda.

When Rudolf Virchow introduced the concept of social medicine in 1848 in his report entitled: "The report on the typhus epidemic in Upper Silesia", he had studied the developments in Upper Silesia that led to a frequent typhus epidemic and concluded that the people there were suffering because they lacked education, liberty, and democracy. Those people lacked civic engagement and decision-making power and were quite impoverished. Virchow recommended that the treatment of the typhus epidemic was not pharmaco-medicine, rather a "full and unlimited democracy".

It follows since then that there is a causal link between oppression on people with the overall standards of health of the oppressed. People who lack political or civil rights tend to be at a high risk of getting sick and dying young. This observation, which is beyond the scope of this article, has been an obsession of many social epidemiologists for decades.

In Uganda, the history and patterns of oppression are easily traced to how power is appropriated and maintained violently within a tribal cabal. Every post-colonial regime that ascended to power - except for Idi Amin - enacted its constitution as a procedural tool or standards by which to cling to power. Where the constitution is tested and fails, these regimes reverted to the strong arms of colonial laws to perpetuate oppression. The constitution has not served Ugandans beyond a regime. As such, there is no guarantee that subsequent grabbers of power will not oppress and exploit Ugandans.

The current regime's oppression is characteristically corrupted and violent. It is driving the young Ugandan population into various vulnerabilities leading to an early and unnatural death. Most are resigning too soon to fate while the desire to flee Uganda has peaked. Sizeable others are disinterested in matters of governance or accountability owing to the politicization of everyday social spaces complemented by crude violence – torture, deforming, humiliation, and death.

The monopoly of power has transformed this Museveni regime into the most reliable source of morbidity and mortality outside tropical diseases, epidemics, and pandemics. The regime kills Ugandans even more than the natural calamities such as landslides and El Nino rains.  

Someone may ask, how so?

I believe Friederich Engel referred to such unconscionable conduct of the regime in which the masses are led to die maliciously through deliberate policy decisions, as social murder.

Covid-19 has demonstrated that Uganda's health care system is far from its potential to contain a pandemic. Understandably, the colonialist and subsequent post-colonial governments did not design the healthcare system to handle pandemics. Rather, healthcare was part of the colonial social policy package designed to incentivize participants in the colonial rule and economy.

Subsequent post-colonial regimes maintained a healthcare system that would respond to the health needs of all Ugandans in line with the WHO 1946 constitution. The current regime has for decades, embarked on undermining and dismantling it. It prefers the proliferation of a predatory private health sector most accessible by regime loyalists in the same fashion as the colonialists’.

The violent repression, occasioned by a state-inspired corruption deprives Ugandans of the opportunity to seek accountability just as the people of Upper Silesia. Inevitably, the state’s neglect of the public healthcare system in Uganda is nothing short of social murder.

End.

CUT - Unedited

Access to a good healthcare system is not only a common good but a basic human right. This is proscribed in the WHO’s 1946 constitution of which Uganda is a signatory, demands "…the highest attainable standard of health as a fundamental right of every human being." According to the WHO, health as a human right creates a legal obligation on states to ensure access to timely, acceptable, and affordable health care of appropriate quality and allows addressing underlying determinants of health. At the moment majority of Ugandans cannot afford good quality healthcare.

The out-of-pocket costs in the private hospitals have come to bear on household expenditures and it has reached beyond what experts consider calamitous spending levels. Hospital bills averaging Shs 60m from a short stay in a private clinic or hospital, especially when the patient dies, leaves families highly indebted and immediately slides them into abject poverty, misery and early death.

Recently, I read Hon. Betty Nambooze's (Mukono Municipality MP) plea in a situation where a doctor who treated COVID 19 patients himself contracted the virus. Unfortunately, the doctor was rushed to a private hospital where he died after a short stay. The hospital held the corpse hostage pending payments of exorbitant hospital costs that the family, friends, and the clan combined, could not raise among them. The private hospital administrators suggested that the family sell off the deceased man's family house to recover the service costs from which he died. The doctor is only one such example as many people prefer to die from home for a decent burial than indebt their families.

Engel wrote in 1845 that

“…when society places hundreds of proletarians in such a position that they inevitably meet a too early and unnatural death, one which is quite as much a death by violence as that by sword or bullet…or forces them, through the strong arms of the law, to remain in such conditions until that death ensues…it is murder!

Covid-19 has demonstrated a need for the government to rethink its policies on strengthening the public healthcare sector. A two-tier well-balanced healthcare system would still work to complement each other. The economic sense of this argument is that a healthy population is a prerequisite for a robust economy.

End. 

 

 

Gen Wamala Mutumba's near-miss Assassination: Arms proliferation undermining security.of person and persons

 

GUN VIOLENCE

 "Gen Wamala Mutumba survived an assassination," one person wrote to me on WhatsApp at 6:30 am ET on Tuesday, June 1, 2021.

 My social media feeds then flooded with gory images of a perpetually subdued and frightened General Mutumba Wamala. Another picture of his black SUV parked with blood running under it, suggesting fatalities. I then learned that Gen. Mutumba Wamala was attacked by gunmen while on his way to a funeral. That he had lost a daughter and a driver in that senseless violence. 

 Reflecting on this whole scene, I have raised concerns over the increasing proliferation of society with small arms and light weapons (SALW), which continues to undermine the security of persons and property.

 This election year, the presence of small, light, and large firearms in the hands of civilians seemed to have peaked in previous election years. Overall, Ugandans are some of the most suppressed and unhealthy global citizens, constantly fearful of the state and gun violence - a social determinant of health!

 The images of random people dressed in civilian clothes brandishing pistols, assault rifles, AK47 with other firearms, and acting lawlessly affirms that Uganda is either under a lawless society usurped by organized criminals or under a military dictatorship.

 The extent of the problem is widespread as we see Uganda traders getting killed en route to the lucrative South Sudan market or in Kasese, Mbale, and so forth. Every Ugandan lives in utter fear and uncertainty, knowing well the pending tragedy of armed robbery or state-inspired drone kidnaps. It gives relevance to musician Ronald Mayinja’s epic song, “Bizeemu”, laments of Uganda returning to its darker days of state terror in the 70s and 80s.

 Uganda developed policies and an action plan on SALW and yet the rapid rate at which guns are getting into the hands of assailants highlights the criminal nature of the state or its inability to subvert organized crime. Others go as far as observing that these senseless crimes and assassinations are state enterprises.

In trying to understand assassinations versus armed robbery or other forms of targeted gun-killings in Uganda, one must revisit concerns over possession of military stores.

 Innocent youths are languishing in deplorable prison facilities and safe-houses on fictitious accounts of possessing military stores – meaning owning artifacts, objects, or items such as ammunition that the army has a monopoly on. However, the real assassins roam our streets unfettered.

 Various reports indicate that the arms from police and military armory are finding their way into the hands of robbers. One such case was detailed in the Daily Monitor story of February 17, 2019, entitled: "why are criminals using UPDF, police guns to kill and rob?"

 In that report, Police officials admitted that their guns get stolen often while the staff is reporting on duty. Herein lies the complicity in this gun crime if police officers have difficulties protecting their own weapons and accounting for it. For instance, the guns recovered in an armed robbery-murder case CRB 270/2018 registered at Bweyogerere Police Station were confirmed to belong to the army.

Ugandans generally avoid possessing guns or weapons and this trend has been consistent from Idi Amin era. It was the NRA's Kyaka mkyaka programs that strove to demystify the fear of guns, grenades, and probably even landmines among the Wanainchi, thereby raising the appetite for guns locally.

 Not long ago we saw Mathew Kanyumunyu gun Akena down at Lugogo - an act that dented this nation’s conscience. To this day no one has explained the circumstances under which Kanyumunyu came to own a gun nor has he been held accountable for the possession and misuse.

 The near-miss shooting of a decorated army General, Wamala Katumba, on Tuesday, June 1, 2021, seems like a sequel to the gruesome murder in cold blood of Arua Municipality MP, Abiriga. These patterned events have an everlasting shocking effect on the mind of ordinary Ugandans and enforce the pervasive sense of insecurity to person and property.

 Ironically, Museveni who claims Uganda is so peaceful and vowed at inception never to preside over a country where insecurity is commonplace, has himself perpetuated and justified violence - and gun violence in particular.

 I am raising this concern over small arms and light weapons proliferation in society because the existential threat is surreal and is growing rapidly. Uganda has entered a phase of exploitative and predatory socioeconomic relations. In stable and democratic nations, such phases are moderated with the state ceding more democratic rights and independent judicial systems for mediation. In Uganda, however, we see the opposite trend. The more predatory the relations of production, the more the state applies its hegemonic subduing force against the exploited.  The place of violence in our society is firmly etched in its social, economic, and political processes.

 There are many people postulating as to why Gen. Mutumba Wamala was targeted. One dominant narrative is that the General was interfering in mafia exploits. One thing is clear, with or without these street hypotheses, the assassins were professionals. Although they lacked the precision and finesse with which Kirumira, Kawesi, Kagezi, and Abiriga were diced, indeed, these gunmen were not amateurs.

 The bigger question is, who are these highly specialized and precise assassins? Obviously, they are not ordinary irate civilians attempting to settle land disputes or business grievances. These were highly trained hitmen with a high level of sophistication. The nation should know before the next scene of murder because we no longer know who shouldn't possess weapons in this society.

END

Primer on Methodology

 

Can democracy grow “organically” in this era of neoliberalism?

HOMEGROWN DEMOCRACY

I read Dr. Moses Khisa’s article in the DM of April 17/21 entitled; “The Problem of Promoting Democracy” and extracted three interesting premises which I thought are worth a rebuttal.

The first premise was that the reductionist act of casting a vote and enthusiastically supporting one’s candidate while unaware of the socio-political context in which such an exercise was designed, simply aid in afflicting the mind of an overzealous nation with utter delusion. The second premise was that democracy cannot be an import. It must be grown from inside, organically, through protracted citizens’ activism and struggles. The third premise, and perhaps a classical observation was that a viable democracy depends on a viable state.

I found Dr. Khisa’s piece evocative. There are more versatile political scientists who could, perhaps, rebut this piece. On my part, I am compelled to respond to the three premises as follows.

Premise 1 – on derision and delusional anticipation of change through the reductionist act of casting one’s ballot as democracy, I do agree with the author. Indeed, democracy is not merely validated by an event of voting or running crazy after a sloganeering candidate of choice. This observation has been the convergence point for many of us who, for the longest time, dissuaded the legitimate section of Uganda’s opposition from validating sham elections disguised as “democracy” where the habitual candidate and incumbent organize it behind closed doors.

The opposition must not wait for the next elections to begin organizing and engaging the fascist regime in a meaningful dialogue. We have learned that most last-minute deals have degenerated into transactional politics – the dominant means of survival among the “Abazukulu” politicians.

With the many draconian laws that curtail human liberties and freedoms to organize, the Ugandan version of democracy has become an illiberal ritual of validation. Indeed, participating in this kind of democracy makes prominent politicians compete with invalid votes because the incumbent already holds the leash to the “valid” outcome.

Premise 2 – On growing democracy organically from within, I disagree with the author. In the era of neoliberalism, foreign interests such as multinational corporations have amassed for themselves so much power, influence, and privileged situatedness with sacrosanct legal rights. In an authoritarian environment like Uganda, multinational and transnational corporations have enough dirty money to write the course of “democracy”, to shape public policies without input from the people.

In the Ugandan scene, I hear a cacophony that the small Indian businesspeople pay more taxes than all Ugandans combined. In another, that MTN - a multi-national corporation is a top taxpayer in the country. Ironically, a 2019 Economic Policy Research Centre (EPRC) study found that domestic investors in Uganda pay more taxes than multinationals.

The cumulative impact of this propaganda is to undermine citizens’ capacities to nurture democracy through legitimate civil activism and holding the authorities accountable. The space for exercising civil rights is already violently curtailed because the state, itself under captivity from the armed junta, considers citizens as unworthy elements in shaping the nation’s destiny. The state survives on taxes. If the taxpayers are foreign investors or multinational or transnational corporations, that shifts the allegiance of the state to the ones who pay taxes. Neoliberalism itself is anti-statist for its exploitative agenda. It, however, expects a strong state intervention when the marginalized masses threaten its exploitative nature.

Further, democracy as an idea, ideal, or practice is inherently alien to and highly contested in the continent. The nations that might grow their in-house democracy, are nations that chose democracy as a compromise over annihilation from anti-imperialist wars. Democracy is not “native” to any of them.

Premise 3 – On democracy as dependent on a stable and a neutral, thus a viable state, I agree and reiterate that the relationship must be mutually reinforcing.  

End.

 

 

Why power discussion is central to health equity.

 

HEALTH EQUITY AND POLICY

Reading Amb. Rudi Veestraeaten and Prof. Rhoda Wanyenza’s article in the Daily Monitor of April 7, 2021, about health equity as the theme for this year’s World Health Day was refreshing.

The article applauded Uganda’s strides towards affording Ugandans a certain level of health services, mostly that reduced maternal-child mortality and so forth. The article also identified key areas where efforts have lagged mostly due to government underfunding of the health sector. It further identified emerging health challenges such as early teen pregnancies, a barrier to accessing health information, and specific sexual and reproductive health services reaching the poor.

My rejoinder is that the two dignitaries could have been clearer by not mixing the pursuit of health with healthcare. And this is the "problematic" prevailing in health equity debates, especially when a non-committal term such as "disparity" is used to ascribe inequities. Critics have identified the persistence of positivist science as central to this aberration such that we must be deliberate to discern health from healthcare in every conversation.

Health inequity consideration arises from social and economic conditions, most of which are unfair but also avoidable. Health care pertains to downstream curative approaches which are narrow in scope. Health is the general wellbeing, and it depends on social, economic, and environmental determinants (Social Determinants of Health), whose resource distribution is moderated through public policies. How these resources are produced and distributed across the population defines inequities in health. For example, the closure of schools and workplaces during the pandemic and subsequent failure for parents to feed or pay fees for their daughters to return to school contributed to a national teen pregnancy crisis.

For health equity to materialize, society should question imbalances in the distribution of power and privileges in a way that paves way for equity public policy - itself a social determinant of health. Rudolf Virchow demonstrated this correlation during the 1847-8 Typhus epidemic in upper Silesia. Rudolf developed the term “social medicine” to reflect the need for social, economic, and cultural factors that he deemed central in the typhus etiology and identified the lack of participatory voices (alienation from politics and democracy) as contradicting local efforts to contain the outbreak.

Virchow’s experience translates in the Uganda scene by the increasing socio-political disempowerment of Ugandans through the rampantly fraudulent and violent socio-political processes. The chronic and pervasive corruption and violence against the people disempower citizens from holding their state managers accountable for inequities in their health experiences. When people feel that they have no voice in how their society should be managed, their input in the public policy processes diminishes to their own detriment.

Today, very few Ugandans can seek accountability for failures of government to deliver services relevant to health. Take, for instance, we all know the importance of education and early childhood development, accessible healthcare services, employment and working conditions, infrastructure and built environment, etc., have on the health of every community. These services are often delivered within a community, requiring community input in ensuring that they are made accessible and culturally relevant. Without the political clout and community voice, the government has felt no obligation to elevate these services to an acceptable level rather than divert service delivery to the private sector. Social services are constantly on the decline among the poor majority indicating a loophole in the policy processes, but also a strong favor for the market orientation.

Most revealing is the new concept of equity in this aegis of neoliberalism. The government is steering Uganda into the money nexus, and yet many Ugandans are not prepared. In effect, commodification has augmenting exclusion in understanding the dynamics of the money economy and its distribution, thus, equity now means the ability to pay from out-of-pocket to gain access. 

Moreover, monetary income is the most important element in the market economy. In the Ugandan context though, the market orientation is exclusive of the majority with soaring unemployment across the population affecting the social and family context. That experience further strains social relations as everyone depends on the other. This is made worse because liberalism thrives on individualism which is literally tearing families apart.

Lastly, health equity has been redefined and Ugandans should see it for that. The true meaning of health equity is that individuals, and not the government, should cater to their needs using out-of-pocket resources, which is driving families to catastrophes. The idea that healthcare is the solution to poor health is untrue. We must escalate investment in a socio-politically empowered community and in their public health systems. The 2008 WHO Commission on Social Determinants of Health stated it succinctly that what makes people unhealthy or healthy are found in the communities and not in healthcare facilities.

END

War Mongering during elections is unconstitutional.

WAR MONGERING

In 1996, Dr. Kawanga Semogerere of DP teamed up with Hon. Cecilia Ogwal of UPC to give Museveni a ran for his money. I was a high school student watching Museveni lie through his teeth. I was also an avid admirer of Ms. Ogwal, not so much of Semogerere, because he played a significant role in legitimizing the fraud that the Museveni regime has become and the decline of DP.

I was a regular at my HSC debating club during the 1994 Constitutional debate that resulted in Uganda's 1995 Constitution. That Constitution lacked in many ways, but it was a document that designed a clear democratic path for Uganda.

I could say some democracy because many of the critical levers that may have cemented Uganda's democracy were also made vulnerable to manipulation by Museveni's regime agenda.

The 1995 Constitution also gave Ugandans hope through term and age limits and a civil language that encouraged civil society organizations and opposition political parties to fetter. These are critical platforms that mediate between citizens and the state.

That Constitution also assured Ugandans that civic engagement was a right and not criminal – that citizens could protect the state from intruders and pronounce themselves over Uganda's territorial integrity using state machinery.

Left in its 1995 form, that Constitution could have delivered Ugandans to unimaginable triumph on several fronts, such as a peaceful transfer of power from one President to another or from one political party to another. This feat is vital because there has never been such an experience in Uganda's entire existence.

Suppose the Constitution was so clear on avenues through which Ugandans could legally participate in democratic governance and see that their will to be governed is respected. Why do we always get into this war-mongering mode at every election since 1996?

In philosophy and African wisdom or even in moral discourses, one does not get a valid result from a fake process. You cannot be pregnant by eating a mango. This concept feeds into the logic of mathematics and all sciences. Machiavelli failed society as a desperado by claiming that the end justifies the means. In lawful and organized philosophical or scientific society, only the means matter.

In 1996, when Dr. Semogerere picked Mrs. Ogwal as his running mate, Semo was demonized as Dr. Obote's empathizer. Musevenists went to Luwero and displayed skulls by the roadside, attributing that to wars of Obote. Spooky stories of ghosts of Obote and the northern hate-mongering filled the airwaves. The threat of going back to the bush was the highlight of that campaign.

Many Baganda shunned Semogerere and treated him as an Obote ally, a traitor, and an anti-progress that the NRM had brought. You may understand why the north is cold about a Muganda Bobi Wine.

In 1999 when Col Besigye jumped off the NRM bandwagon to challenge Museveni, the regime did not take it lightly. It blackmailed, threatened, and went ballistic on all fronts, accusing Col Besigye of planning wars, being an enemy of the state, and so forth. A similar pattern came on in 2006, 2011, 2016, and so forth. From 2006 to this date, there has never been a Presidential candidate not charged with treason.

Hon. Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu and Lt. Gen Henry Tumukunde have treason charges looming on their heads in this campaign.

In sum, it is a pity that the 1995 Constitution, even when fraudulently amended several times, did not remove Ugandan's rights to unseat an incumbent as treasonable. Some of the provisions within 1995 constitution, as amended dubiously, still recommend the preservation of human rights and rights to civil liberties, right to participation in civic discourses. Above all, it upholds that elections every five years.

If contesting against the incumbent constitute a threat to national security/war, or leads the state to kidnap, shoot at, detain without trial, torture, or murder citizens who are practicing their constitutional obligations, then what is the worth of a constitution disorder?

END