Museveni: Our President, Our King, Our Coroner

PRINCIPLES

These days, Presidential powers know no boundaries. In Gambia, President Yahya Jammeh has claimed to have discovered potent HIV drug. In his testimony last October, Jammeh confirmed that he had cured 68 people so far and was now planning to build a huge hospital to administer his medicine to Gambians living with HIV virus.

These days, African Presidents have become something else. Either they are presiding over mass as priests or are establishing their persona through symbolism as the undefeated Kings in statues. African Presidents are the Kings and our chief coroners; some sing while others Deejay, too. President Museveni has been each or all of these and probably more. Not very long, the President of Uganda abolished priests and traditional leaders from participating in politics. The President reiterated that politics involves nasty elections. In that essence, traditional leaders and priests are not elected through universal suffrage and therefore they should remain apolitical. Period!

Many Ugandans suspected that such draconian directives were targeted at specific Kings and Priests. In particular, the Baganda accused the President of attempting to sideline the Kabaka of Buganda from mainstream politics. Cynics were quick to defend the President by pointing to the near tragic relationship between Buganda King and politicians at the advent of the so-called independence of Uganda.  The President threatened that if any cultural leader, especially the Kabaka, indulges in politics, he (the King) would be compelled to expose himself to elective processes henceforth. Figure out an elected Kabaka of Buganda in 2016!

True, traditional leaders should remain custodians to our cultural and traditional heritage. But when the government deliberately feeds off of the Kingdom’s property, uses and abuses its land and appropriates prime cultural lands for its few henchmen, then certainly a political contraction of the these cultural leaders becomes inevitable. Culture cannot be preserved outside a setting or context. Settings are defined by geographical location and within that setting must be space for cultural symbols and the environment for its preservation or evolution. This is exactly what the NRM regime has tried to winnow out and restrict the popular cultures of the native Ugandna through its capitalist expansionism. That is the hand of my President, the King!

The President also refused to let the priests indulge in politics. He stated that politics rooted in religion typifies the sectarian tendencies that post-colonial Uganda politics were organized. He warned that should priests indulge in politics, a field of his expertise, he, President Museveni would also pick up the Bible and begin to administer baptism to infants. Figure out a priest carrying AK 47, in military combat and with a Bible baptizing a child!!!On many occasions, Museveni, in the tow of his wife, presided over mass euphoria on  Decemeber 31^st  at Nambole Stadium. Museveni has not hidden his infatuation with the so-called born again Christians for whom; he continues to vest much trust. Recently, he even requested that his cadres identify more honest born again Christians to fill lucrative and prime government jobs.  That is your President, the Priest.

The mysterious demise of flamboyant NRM legislator, Cerinah Nebanda (RIP) also brought out the Physician part of the President. The President’s latest manifestation is that of a Chief Coroner in Uganda. When qualified pathologists from Parliament and Mulago decided to carry out postmortem to establish the cause of death of the MP, the NRM machinery sunk on them. The properly qualified and professional pathologists ended up in jail and discredited for carrying out their duty as required of them. The President took over and ordered tests to be carried out in the UK and Israel to establish the cause of death of the MP. That panicked response exposed the NRM’s public relations’ prowess. The President undermined the powers of the public postmortem and thought that by usurping the process, a credible and acceptable result would absolve popular suspicion. Ugandans no longer trust lab results from the UK or Israel. Those are politicized results that only expounded on the ire of the locals. Both the President and his NRM party lost a political fight in popular public opinion. That is our President, the King, and Chief Coroner!

END.

Uganda: Oulanya bringing dishonor to Parliament

Dishonor to Parliament

The many years of our tribulation as a nation should have taught us to indulge in politics with integrity. Understandably, history has not taught us and we illustrate utter contempt to learn from history. Clearly, events of 2012 that are spilling over to 2013 need us to pay keen attention to our situations especially in Parliament. I am in particular concerned with the performance of the deputy speaker of Parliament, Hon. Jacob Oulanya and callous characters like Pius Bigirimana.

I have resisted the temptation to comment on the impunity engulfing the office of the Prime Minister, especially the objectionable position taken by the Permanent Secretary, Mr. Pius Bigirimana that he is a whistleblower. As the accounting officer in the ministry, the PS cannot be a whistleblower. The evidence available from the Auditor General’s report indicates that he personally approved several transactions worth billions of shillings. 

Practically, the PS cannot be a whistleblower because he is part of the mechanism of the fraud that occurred in the OPM. Mr. Bigirimana should be treated as a suspect. It would be more understandable if a junior officer reported the alleged thefts and fraud to Bigirimana himself as the person in authority. You cannot authorize theft, preside over it for a long time and then become a whistleblower. That is called outright incompetence or negligence of duty and he should be punished or be dismissed with disgrace from public service.

The Bigirmana kind of impunity is widespread in the NRM government and it has been socially normalized through patronage. People in authority do not take full responsibility for their actions. This dishonesty is a cover up for incompetence or an act of showing outright contempt for the will of the voters. It only makes us appear of less intellect when all we do is to vehemently deny the obvious.

Hon. Oulanya, a relatively new comer in the yellow bus, has taken to act like the original twenty-seven rogues if his many transgressions were to be scrutinized. He is showing utter contempt for civilized parliamentary decorum and acting like parliament is part of Executive.

Hon. Oulanya always steps in to do all the dirty works of the NRM regime for which the speaker has seen no logic in pursuing. For instance, he worked tirelessly to pass the illicit supplementary budget 2012; he presided over the approval of Hon. Nantaba as state minister for land and his performance during the Oil Bill with its illogical clause 9 truly painted Hon. Oulanya in bad lights. What has inspired this article are twofold; one to ensure that Oulanya is reminded of the dishonest path he is pursuing, for instance in 2005, he chaired that parliamentary legal committee that recommended the removal of term limits from our constitution through bribery and; to put it before him, that he is bringing disrepute and ridicule to the office of the speaker of parliament and to the legislature, a significant branch of government that should act independently.

In recent interview with the CID boss, Hon. Oulanya is purported to have denied any knowledge of who hired the forensic pathologist, Dr Onzivua to investigate the cause of the death of Hon Cerina Nebanda. Evidences available show clearly that the office of the Speaker is fully aware of its relations with the pathologist. It was also reported in the media that Hon. Oulanya vowed not to preside over the emergency session should MPs fulfill the 125 signatures required for legal recall. This kind of attitude only illustrate that Hon. Oulanya is a man who has lost the most significant attributes of integrity and good conscience required for independently executing duties in the office of the Speaker of Parliament.

The political implication is that Hon. Oulanya is not for independence of Parliament but to lap dance to the tunes of the President. It is obvious that Hon. Oulanya is no longer serving the interest of his constituents or that of Parliament in its pursuit of just laws and policies in Uganda.  Clearly Hon. Oulanya is more engrossed with the whispers of the President or NRM at the expense of the people of Omoro County and Ugandans. This is why questioning his priorities should serve to awaken his consciousness to the plight of taxpayers.

Ugandans are losing patience with dishonest leaders like Oulanya.  This is not the Oulanya we emulated and looked up to for guidance a while ago. If the MPs cannot question the dishonorable acts of Hon. Oulanya, we the taxpayers will. The bigger question here is, can the MPs remove Hon. Oulanya as speaker for bringing hatred, ridicule, contempt and disrepute to the office of the speaker? This is an avenue that should be pursued seriously.

END

The Military factor: Can Maj Gen Muntu bring change?

FDC Politics

I am not FDC card carrying member but I am fond of my contemporaries in that Party. FDC is the largest opposition Party today in Uganda and should any misfortune happen to the NRM, certainly, the odds for FDC to become the next managers of state affairs would get enhanced enhanced. When Thursday November 22nd, 2012 comes to an end, someone will have been declared FDC President. Three candidates are vying for the position of FDC Presidency to replace the charismatic and courageous Rtd Col Dr Kiiza Besigye Kifefe. The candidates are: Maj Gen Mugisha Muntu; Toronto County MP Geoffrey Ekanya; and Leader of Opposition in Parliament, Hon David Mafabi.

The above established, my purpose is to discuss the implication(s) of the candidacy of Maj General Gregory Mugisha Muntu. Proponents of the candidacy of Muntu have argued that since he was a decorated soldier and an army commander for eight years, then he is the best suited candidate to replace Dr Besigye as if FDC is a military regiment. They also argue that given Muntu’s military background, he is best suited for challenging President Museveni’s tenure.

The implication of these arguments situates the military at the heart of governance of Uganda. It tells us that unless you wear uniforms, your chances of becoming President of Uganda are much diminished. I have issues with this kind of attitude. World over, democracy has required constitutionalism to prevail in countries where the power is vested in the common people. The military is not expected to be partisan as it has been in Uganda since independence. Uganda has never had a truly national army and this has always given our democracy a lot of stress.

It is this culture of militarizing politics and civil life that has placed Uganda in vicious circles of violence and conflict. Unfortunately, as real as it is, I find it very obnoxious that a section of FDC still believes that they can win away a composite of Museveni’s personalized military support when a person with military background becomes its leader.

The contrasting reality does prove this to be a classical form of an intellectual fallacy or simply put an informal logic. Col Besigye was a decorated general in NRA with a lot of clout, influence and prestige. When he fell out with President Museveni, his army connectedness was decapitated. His record of service in the army became a reference that only appealed to the civilians who have bore the brunt of chaos and have deeply seated apathy towards the army.

If being in the army could create a balance of power, certainly FDC’s fortunes could have improved each of the years they contended for state power. To the contrary, Besigye’s percentages waned and so was his real support, even among intellectuals because such expectations were never realized.

FDC could have thought about these unfortunate developments to enable them transform the candidacy of Col Besigye to that of a civilian victim of state machination. I still believe that the true support for Besigye struck the highest pitched when he was manhandled by that tiny, ruthless infamous warped undercover cop Gilbert Arinaitwe.

So, does being a military man or having military past make one a viable Presidential candidate? This is debatable but it is also a cultural thing borne out of fear and yet we all know that Muntu would never dare challenge the system as Besigye did. This is because none of the Presidents of Uganda have been able to effectively demilitarize Ugandan politics. Instead, they have ridden on the backs of their armies to procure long and cumbersome tenure in power.

From an etic perspective, FDC has lacked in few aspects. I think FDC may need a leader who is grass-root oriented and is as astute in mobilizing the grass-root as in reaching out to the middle class, the unemployed and the wealthy. I am certain that across the Ugandan society, everyone bays for personal safety and that of their property (for the hard working). I also believe that Besigye was positioned and gifted in with such peculiar trait.

Although Muntu is calm, sobre minded and disciplined person, his military background alone may not inspire many to guarantee their allegiance to FDC. Further, sustaining the militarization of our politics provides a recipe for commotion and confrontation leading to loss of life.

I contend that past membership in UPDF has never been a successful and prudent on its own as an asset in shaping our democracy without other pertinent traits. Indeed, there is a strong degree of agreement across our society against the NRM regime. The real challenge is that we have failed ourselves by always opting for small pushes towards the windows of opportunity that beckons on us for change.

 END

 

 

 

The creation of modern day Gomorrah

CORRUPTION SOCIETY

 

For many years, the public has endured increasing levels of corruptions in Uganda. By international standards, Uganda has one of the most elaborate anti-corruption laws but this has not deterred corruption. This article reiterates that corruption is the very function of the NRM regime but distinguishes old forms of corrupt practices from organized crime that has transformed Uganda into modern day Gomorrah!

The 2009 Anti-Corruption law may as well have become an instrument not worth the paper on which it was written on. Corruption is widely defined to include the tolerance or acceptance of influence, let it be material, monetary or otherwise, for personal gratification, that may lead to acts of or omission of the duty for which one is an authority (Anti-corruption Act 2009 Part II: 2(A)(a-i). Ugandans know the simple, basic and functional definition of corruption, as “the lack of opportunity for have-nots”. In this sense, most Ugandans look at those with money, power and guns as those who are corrupt. The 2009 Anti-corruption Act does not describe moral corruption, an aspect that makes corruption pervasive in our society. To an extent, corruption has become a sub-culture in every society.

This article argues that Ugandan’s problem is no longer corruption but organized economic crime. Corruption has transformed itself from the infinite to the finite and it manifests in every walk of life. It embodies the very opposites of what society should be. The government which should act as mediator for distribution of public good, under the influence of corruption, has become the agent provocateur of widespread inequalities. Ugandans no longer experience the life of sanity; they thrive under insanity like it was in Gomorrah. Uganda has become a state equal in stature and character as the Biblical Gomorrah with some components of “Soddom” in it!

Every day one opens the online version of the Ugandan Dailies; there must be a stunning revelation about new acts of embezzlement. Each story which appears on the subject out compete the previous one in the amounts and the sophistication of rubbery of taxpayer’s money. Corruption has now grown to full maturity and has become organized crime. What we read now in the media about Pension scum, Prime Minister’s office siphoning of billions through network of technocrats and others, have in character outcompeted what we knew already in Gavi and Global Fund, which in turn, had outcompeted previous scums involving government agents.

So, how did we reach here and where are we headed? The transformation of what would have passed as sheer negligence of duty into fully blown corruption was facilitated by the NRM ideologies. In the early 90s when Parliament fought corruption, Museveni complained that Parliament was on vendetta against his Ministers and his economic plans. His cadres went on radio to argue that the rampant corruption acts were indicators of economic growth. The establishment treated anti-corruption agencies, groups and experts as enemies of the state and members of the opposition who were inclined at diverting their revolution’s pathways.

Not long after that, the men who came broke from the Bushes of Luwero started appearing in the media for wealth accumulation as super rich. All of the NRM top cadres and so-called “governors of state affairs” had embarked on primitive accumulation of wealth at the expense of the so-called liberated. Through their wealth, they were certain that they had enough to procure significant portion of the public will to govern. In combination with the use of state instruments of coercion to secure the rest of they will, they became too insensitive, arrogant and indifferent to the plight of the ordinary Ugandans. Assured of their strength, they returned Uganda to Multi-party elective politics. Ever since then, corruption and coercion have become the two most famed methods of securing tenure for the President and his henchmen.

Today, this corruption has entrenched its roots into the very soul of the system like the grasp of the weed called Wondering-Jew. Because, at the nucleus of this organized crime is situated the Ugandan political class as enablers and profiteers. This is also the reason that Museveni may be an astute tactician in guerilla warfare, but the war on corruption is one which he cannot defeat without self capitulation. President Museveni has tolerated corruption for so many years as a beneficiary, whether directly or indirectly. After all, the most corrupt people are members of the ruling elite or of the First Family.

END

How transportation system contributes to maternal death

TRANSPORT & MATERNAL-CHILD HEALTH

In my previous elicitation I argued that Uganda’s healthcare system is one that could be fixed with political will to enforce intersectoral collaboration at governmental levels. I educed that the healthcare system requires leadership, ideology and funding. This article is a continuation of the articulation of the Delay Factors responsible for high maternal-child mortality in Uganda.  It is premised that the persistent failures of the healthcare system is attributable to general system wide failures in public the public transportation that impede access. In evaluating the efficacy and efficiency of the public healthcare system we must include the contribution of other functions of governments that provide social security and enhances equity. The healthcare system is part of the fabrics of what constitute social services and a driving force for a robust economy that does not function in isolation.

The health of pregnant women and children largely depends on mobility potential. One of the delay factors that lead to the death of pregnant women and children is the delay to reach healthcare facility. The World Health Organization estimates that 40-60 percent of the people living in developing countries live more than 8kms from healthcare facilities. Poor roads and mobility resources including high transportation costs are the key delay factors that facilitate mortality among vulnerable children and pregnant mothers. When a pregnant woman experiences complications, she has between 6-12 hours before she can access qualified emergency care and yet most perinatal deaths occur during labor and delivery or within the first 48hrs.

The timely access of healthcare services is predicated on availability of emergency means of transportation, good acess roads and ready reception at the point of care. Transportation facilitates access to health care facility and determines well-being of maternal child dyad. Moreover, one’s ability to be mobile comes with power and prestige. The World Bank recognizes that mobility, power and well-being are closely link to gender inequalities. The ability of the male to own and control modes of transportation also controls the mobility of members of the family and that determines the health of that family.

No matter how well resourced a healthcare facility is, if it is not accessible the people will not use it. There grows apathy and sense of alienation between the people and the facility. This is why most hospitals operate ambulance services at a minimal access fee, to consolidate community connection and bridge the service gap. The Millennium Development Goal recognizes that a robust healthcare system is a critical and fundamental social service necessary for the attainment of economic goals. However, the slow trends in achieving MDGs in sub-Sahara Africa are premised majorly on access to healthcare facilities.

Further, a robust healthcare system is key driving force to any economy and therefore integral to the very functions of the state. Healthcare system’s failure is then not the organic dysfunction of the system itself, but the capitulation it faces from the mainstream - that is how well integrated it is, in the economy. To appraise Uganda’s healthcare system we must pay due regards to issues of access, public health policies, government funding priorities, leadership and underlying ideology. There is need to appraise the healthcare system within the performance context of the incumbent regime.  A failed healthcare system signifies failures on the part of that administration as a whole, not of the system per se.

There are crucial areas that a twenty-first century healthcare system can fail; when the system adheres strictly to outdated biomedical models which views health as the interplay between infirmities or lack thereof and; when the system selects downstream approaches to healthcare and neglects the fundamental upstream aspects. Investment in public health systems and deliberate focus on social determinants of health poses the greatest opportunity for strengthening the healthcare system in Uganda and lessens the burden of downstream biomedical care.

To improve healthcare service delivery to the population, the government must enforce and encourage all sectors to place health thinking in its planning agenda. When building roads, the driving force is not how much to be made in profits per kilometer, but rather, how useful the road will be in facilitating access to nearby social services. The obsession for highways and superhighways underscores the needs for rural access and at local levels. There must be increased mapping of mobility entitlements and accessibility patterns as recommended by the WB. Improvement of information technology in the meantime could tremendously fill gaps poised by distance.

I have established that there is a strong relationship between transportation and maternal-child mortality in Uganda and by extension in sub-Sahara Africa. The world over, governments have invested in infrastructure to kill “distances” and to avert from “womb to tomb” episodes that characterize the experiences of reproductive women in Uganda.  Healthcare is integral and primal aspect of the functionalities of the government. Its failures reflect the failure of the system as a whole.

END.

Challenges and opportunities in reducing maternal-child deaths

Pregnancy, pregnant women, maternal- child health

In my last article, I attempted to discuss the three delays in the maternal-child health discourses. I offered insight into their implication in practice and research. In this article, I will share briefs of some of the outstanding issues from my scoping review for a research project.

I have chosen to expound on the issue of maternal child health as stipulated in the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) to elicit public debate. The purpose of which, is to shed light on the predicament of pregnant women in the inaccessible and deteriorating antenatal and emergency services in Uganda. The health of a woman is a key determinant of the health of the household. Undermining the health of women equally diminishes the society’s pursuit for economic prosperity.

MDG goals four and five are specific to the reduction of maternal child mortality rates among expectant mothers.  This topic interests me because in many studies and prevailing literature, Sub-Sahara Africa (SSA) has been found to be a commonplace for women to die during the course of pregnancy (54% of all global annual maternal deaths due to pregnancy). There are many causes for the malignancy of this problem, but what is important to note is that most of the underlying causes of these deaths are easily avoidable or preventable.

I have carried out an extensive but preliminary literature review on this subject of maternal –child health dyad. Out of the over 600 peer reviewed research articles, I found common and recurring themes. Top among these are; lack of political will to prevent, arrest or reverse deaths associated with pregnancy; that although fertility among poor and rural SSA is high, pregnancy related complications and deaths are associated with conditions of poverty. Communities that are isolated due to lack of infrastructure (Roads and telecommunication) and those that lack access to professional Emergency Obstetric care (Emoc), incur more deaths whether due to pregnancy or any ailment and; certain cultures, traditions and customs are enablers in facilitating these deaths.

Success stories have been registered where women have been able to generate household income and to support their pregnant peers to seek professional care. Other areas of success recorded involves rural communities indulging in cost sharing for public health services, where minimal membership fees is paid at village and sub-county levels, like in Rwanda which promotes performance based financing to healthcare. In some places, women incentivize Gaenecologists and Midwives to frequent their local health centers, like it is in Zegoua town of 22,000 people, situated 500 miles south of the Capital Mali, Bamako. Groundbreaking works have been reported in Bangladesh, Sri lanka, Tamil Nadu in India, South Africa and Egypt.

The high maternal-child mortality rate in Uganda is one that is very shameful. Our neighbor Rwanda, with functional 395 peripheral health centers, 40 district hospitals and three referral hospitals, have registered far better health outcomes than Uganda and they could inspire us to suceed.

I contend that Uganda has capacity to contain and eliminate maternal child deaths through its elaborate health institution structures. The problem which undermines the efficiency of the healthcare system is chronic lack of political will to invest in area of the economy that matters the most. Our healthcare system is easy to streamline and to strengthen, especially under the local government system. Lack of funding, poor leadership and lack of political will remain the key impediment to healthcare service delivery.

If all local authorities were encouraged to place health as priority on their political agenda, most of the health problems could have been eliminated. Most of the ailments in Uganda are primarily associated with poor hygiene and poverty as a consequence of lack of resources at the rural and peri-urban Uganda. If these fundamental components of health were addressed, the pressure on the healthcare system would be significantly alleviated.

According to WHO studies, on the average, a rural SSA woman spends 4 hours of the day looking for water and requires same time to collect firewood for preparing meals. The woman has no time to attend to her own health, such that when pregnancy comes, it finds her body already weakened. Unfortunately, the plight of the ordinary Ugandan woman of child bearing age will never be addressed until tragedy befalls a daughter or wife of a politician while giving birth at home or abroad.

END

Blinding loyalty to NRM is recipe to Societal Poverty

ELECTIVE POLITICS & POVERTY

This week presented yet another onslaught of NRM from a by-election in Butambala.  The DP Party has made a significant inroad in a place once considered a bastion of ruling NRM. Butambala is a remote district where every elected person claims to be NRM. The tales of Butambala also illuminate a relationship between supporting NRM and increasing economic disparity. People in Butambala are among some of the poorest in peaceful Uganda and Butambala stands as a replica of places with blinding loyalty to the NRM.

The victory of a former UYD firebrand and the founder of Popular Resistance Against Life President (PRAP), Mr. Muwanga Mohamad Kivumbi in Butambala is a defining moment for the NRM.  It illustrates a growing consciousness that in the last 26 years of monopoly of power, the NRM has not been honest to its followers. The NRM treated those that opposed it with much contempt and detestation and considers any forms of opposition as an act of rebellion. In retaliation, opposition figures are harassed, arrested in a manner not befitting of modern human treatment and jailed without charge, just to humiliate and disengage.

What has also been evident is that most of the areas that have offered blinding allegiance to the regime have remained in perpetual state of poverty. The areas that have been actively engaging the regime have attained better results in reducing their poverty levels and self-sustenance.  Many cases are there to illustrate this; take for instance Karamoja, Busoga, Bunyoro and Toro. These areas have been the poorest and most neglected regions in Uganda. Had it not been for the recent buzz in oil exploits, Bunyoro would remain a neglected region of Uganda. What Bunyoro has shared in common with Busoga are the stunning number of people living below the poverty line; those demobilized by jiggers and other adverse living conditions. Moreover, these regions have been very peaceful for the most part of the last 26 years and they have supported the NRM overwhelmingly for the same period of time.

What then are the theoretical underpinnings that can explain the similarities in regional decadence if it is not closely associated with the rather deceptive and exploitative nature of the NRM regime? There are few explanatory models to this dilemma; first, we could advance the theory of Acquired Helplessness to explain the presumed relationship between variables “supporting NRM” and “increasing levels of poverty (societal decay). Secondly, we can advance the theory of resilience to explicate the ability for self-sustenance and sporadic socio- economic growth in those areas that have maintained a mixed blend of anti/pro NRM methodology.

The theory of Acquired Helplessness is prevalent in health sciences and more so in rehabilitation sciences especially among the seniors, those recovering from illness or those enduring prolonged illnesses such as stroke and so forth. This theory posits that to provide all round support to a person in need only helps in his/her deterioration of functional abilities. It urges caregivers to promote functional skills for self-help among those whose functional abilities have been impaired by illness. The typical “NRM society” is presented in this model as one that has been demobilized by many illnesses, most importantly, corruption, injustice and impunity. The NRM is the causal agent in society that wreaks havoc on society’s functional ability to exercise their will and rights. By stealing votes, it impairs that faculty of society that should be making competent choices, thus leading to marginalization. Just like a sick body, a society riddled with such malaise, cannot function. Given the patronage, these societies quickly acquire a mindset of helplessness, the conviction that no amount of self-exertion can produce results - their true voices will never be heard and they have nothing to do about it. Their allegiances are therefore manufactured and their functional abilities thwarted remorselessly. So they are conditioned to support the regime at a cost of sheer negligence.

To the contrary, the regions that have utilized mixed methods by tolerating both NRM and opposition among its ranks have fared much better. These communities like Buganda (Luwero), Acholi, Teso, Lango etc., have developed competent faculties upon which they regulate their aspirations and strategize for national resources as serious contenders. One would assert that these regions are more conscious politically and economically to understand the true nature of the NRM. These regions have also endured the worst forms of vertical violence in the last 26 years to become resilient. Resilience is the ability to bounce back from adversity. Generally, these societies have illustrated self-reliance, independence of thought and higher levels of accountability.

END