Distrust as a tool of creating a paradoxical society - part 1

Paradoxicals

The amount of time we spend protecting our integrity and reputation in a paradoxical society, is testimony of a crisis.

 Liberalism has taught us well, to detach from every social and adhere to a pursuit of materialism. To dismiss the public for private, and the social for individual. Incidentally, we attempt to adhere to traditions while denying that these changes have shifted power bases away from traditional power brokers.

 As a people, we build our public profiles over years and hope to cash in on it as social capital. Integrity and reputation are about consistency, but also about how the public value it. These values , as currency for procuring social capital, are validated through socialization.

 Social capital as a concept has been in circulation since 1890 and used in social sciences until about 2000 when American political scientist, Robert D Putnam popularized it in his nonfiction book: Bowling Alone: The Collapse and revival of America and has since been used widely in health studies to explicate social inclusion as a prerequisite for health. The book highlights the perils of neoliberalism in perpetrating social isolation and exclusion.

 Basically, social capital are the networks and relationships among individuals who work and live together. These relationship are the drivers of social cooperation needed for proper function and efficient functioning of society.

Aspects of social capital are everyday values such as trust, reciprocity, information sharing and cooperation that are associated with cohesive social networks and societal harmony.

 A strong social capital highlights strong social inclusion factors – that people trust each other and make deliberate effort to do good or less harm to each other. Information they generate is intended for the good of society, inclusively. We anticipate that low levels of distrust, for instance, would make a community confident and trusting with each other to accept reciprocation. A cooperative society is a progressive and often healthy society.

The reverse is true – Putnam demonstrates scenes of social isolation among seniors in respect of low levels of social capital. In addition, distrust for one another and apathy towards social institutions engenders apathy, leading to social isolation. Distrust is a potent chalice for killing cooperation in society.

 Cooperation is diminished further when information is subverted, concealed, distorted or apportioned to manipulate society for the good of a few.

 Information is the string that coordinates society, communities, families and relationships at every level. Without a clear information sharing system, distrust and anxiety fetters, and that can collapse a society (crime, war, discrimination, xenophobia etc).

 This is the case for Uganda – low levels of social capital – distrust for one another that has stifled cooperation at every level of society leading to pervasive corruption, theft and impunity.  

 Everyone in Uganda is a suspect by default.

You do not have to do anything. Just show up in any social gathering or town looking different or speaking with a unique tongue - you are a suspect. Everyone in an office is precisely a suspect of corruption; anyone doing better than the other is a suspected mole of the regime.

 This mole labeling affords this regime a right of hegemony and unnecessary credit accorded to greedy politicians who scheme for opportunities to benefit individually out of public efforts.

 Distrust is most intense among those in opposition. Besigye, Mao, Bwanika, Muntu and everyone underneath their ladders are all painted with the mole brash to stir public distrust against their efforts at challenging status quo.

 What is the purpose of this labeling, and who benefits? What is the basis of this charge, anyway?

 Uganda’s society is where Police officers are also the highway robbers, exhibits thieves, illegal gun traders; where bank tellers steal customers' deposits; teachers de-school students by defilement and a sitting president is an exhibit in another country!

This is a paradoxical society where everyone is distrusted. Ironically, even with sch distrust levels, business goes on as usual.  

 Distrust is an ideological device being used artfully to prevent opposition from organizing at any level of society. Students of political science could interest themselves with this phenomenon - distrust that creates a paradoxical society like Uganda!  

End

The political economy of deaths and funerals in Acholi

POLITICS & DEATHS

The most rampant deaths in Acholi are for older adults who pass for the elders of the community. 

These people became elders in the community by virtue of surviving the two decades of war of annihilation in Northern Uganda. Many of these men and women are young, in their 50s and 60s, who inherited the burden of lifelong grief and stress during the conflict made worse by slow post-conflict renewals. Many became parents at tender age, providing for orphans of war, and offered little to themselves – health, education or ambitions.

Sadly, most of these deaths are preventable, and primarily accentuated by perpetual poverty and degraded environment, inaccessible healthcare system; and neglect by family members.

The post-conflict Acholi is a place subtle mired in misery and destitution. Rural life is rough, and contrasts sharply with the urban glitters of possibilities. Across Uganda, poverty is more concentrated in Northern Uganda and worst in Acholi region. This poverty is cofounded with fast degrading environment, shorter and very intense episodes of rainy season and sporadic loss of ground cover. The combination of poverty and environmental degradation are self-reinforcing with disease and misery as natural outcomes.

Further, the liberalization of Uganda’s economy has exacerbated the commodification of healthcare services making it very expensive and inaccessible. The challenge of a timely and regular interfacing with qualified medical practitioners, and the bureaucratic corruption in the system have generated apathy towards seeking healthcare. Many locals are reverting to cheaper local herbs and mysticism which have accentuate mortality among children, pregnant women and older persons.

Incidentally, the generation of post conflict Acholi youths are equally as helpless as their guardians in a zero-sum situation. Those out of the zone care little other than for their ill-begotten wealth in Kampala, Jinja, Mbale, Mbarara or Gulu.  

Those at home still endure undiagnosed forms of debilitating mental health challenges secondary to post-traumatic stress disorders. Studies show that stress and psychological trauma are transmissible across generations. These circumstances pan out in Acholi region and has driven maladjustment behaviours to the roof. Acholi youths are less likely to be employed in formal sector other than low paying precarious jobs such as security.

 In Acholi, social infrastructure needs urgent overhaul. Incidentally, the minds in charge seems overwhelmed or compromised with politics and corruption.

The Acholi older persons suffer alone, afflicted with a deep sense of personal loss, they become susceptible to preventable early demise. At times, these elders die in the hospital due to delays to get them there, or even the thoughts of the cost of treatment, once well. Their death may even be a form of chocking from hopelessness. If they have no pensions, they must sell land, or food reserve to reach a hospital to afford a patch-up.

Incidentally, I found that deaths in Acholi is increasingly getting popularised. In some communities, death is strange and received with shock, awe and a sense of loss. In Acholi, death has its own political economy. Some people even look forward to the next death or facilitate death by poisoning one another when none is happening

These funerals are important social and political places for politicking and reaffirmation. It is at the funerals that one’s political worth is measured through financial, material or leadership contributions. People fight to get their names on the contribution list and for their names to be publicly announced!

These days, funerals have taken political rally status fraught with political speeches. And, you attend funerals if you belong to the political inclination of the deceased or one of their prominent relatives.  Sometimes, mourners from other political parties are blocked from attending funerals.

Far from politicians and policymakers working hard to improve living conditions to eliminate preventable deaths, they rely on deaths to make empty political statements. It is the absurdity of our generation!

End.

Fresh Kid has exposed gap in education policy for gifted and talented kids

Gifted Vs Talented kids

Watching the prodigy, Fresh Kid light up when asked to sing, and then shrinks into a typical seven years old when not discussing music is simply impressive.

Parents should be able to identify the unique traits that their children have prior to starting of school. Recognizing that a child is gifted, or talented helps avert the regular charges of misdemeanor that teachers who are often unprepared to identify gifts or talents, label against kids.

Research shows that children who are either gifted or talented, and those who may be both gifted and talented, tend to suffer social alienation within regular school system, get bored easily, and are called on often for acting-out when their motivation and learning needs are neither matched nor satisfied.

Rachel Mendell's 2009 article in Maclean magazine revealed that there are usually less than 0.5% of student identified as gifted or talented in a population of students. But these are national assets that the state should interest itself given the unique abilities and accommodation needs in the school system.

Importantly, gifted children demonstrate exceptional talents or abilities in one or more academic subjects such as math, science, history, geography and so forth. In contrast, talent, not to be confused with gift, means having natural aptitude or skills in one or more practical subjects such as music, dance, athletics, designs, arts, language and so forth.

Ugandan schools are designed to recognize, reward, promote or prune gifts, while despising talent.

Identifying and prioritizing gifted and talented students may be a matter of jurisdictional policy to encompass even the small population of kids who may be both gifted and talented.

In the developed nations, their education systems have evolved to ably identify and accommodate the gifted and talented students through scholarships. By enacting robust national education policies, specialized schools are set up and funded to accommodate, nurture, and celebrate the unique abilities of these students.

Unfortunately, the rigid colonial systems inherited by most African countries did not evolve, instead it constricted in function and purpose while striving to retain its colonial architecture.

The emergence of the 7 years old Patrick Ssenyonga, aka Fresh Kid has challenged this paucity of policy in our school system. Fresh kid is a sensational musical genius who represent the small percentage of extremely talented but often neglected or ostracized kids.

Moreover, such talented ones often drop out of school because of a hostile regular school environment or lack of resource support commensurate with their talent.

Imagine Fresh Kid subjected to a history class of Zwangendaba, Tipu Tip, Nabongo Mumia of Wanga, Khama II, the defund Tenessee Rift Valley Authority and so forth! He would drop out of school!

This may explain why, most of our musicians or artists are marginally educated or outright illiterates!

Government should develop accommodating policy with specialized schools to adsorb and prune talents or gifts. It is high time we started schools for the gifted and talented students. This would serve the kids better, instead of the Ministers threatening the parents of these kids for child neglect.

Certainly, government lacks a comprehensive package for early child development other than their processing every child through UPE and USE.  Marxist Educationist, Paulo Freire describes this system as banking alien and disempowering knowledge to kids.

Fresh Kids needs exposure to the basics of literacy, alright. But an emphasis on his trade – musicology, entertainment, and entrepreneurship in a social and physical environment that reinforces the nurturance of this talent is his path in life.

Our education system has a reputation for producing colonial-type work force – majorly job seekers. Fresh kid, when properly nurtured, is already born into his trade. Fresh Kid is capable of employing thousands, while appeasing millions.  

In this way, Ugandan schools kill talents. Inquire where former Namasagali College talents are!

End.

RONALD SSEBLIME: Where is the security for persons and property?

STATE VIOLENCE

In the 1990s, a then beaming Museveni would appear on TV promising security for persons and their properties. In fact, this promise featured prominently on their Leninist ten-point program.

While parts of Uganda enjoyed tranquil, this assurance was merely an assurance against a possibility of a past regime resurrecting. The main narratives were that insecurity in Uganda was caused by “murderous” and “chauvinist” northerners who were bitter for having ceded their colonial-era privileges of dominating the army.

Since 1986, a different group has dominated the army at every rank level with northerners and others marginalized to the periphery or even to corporate security. Unfortunately, Uganda still experiences violence, insecurity and torture that are occasioned and complicated by greater uncertainties over safety of persons and their properties.

The legacy of war in Northern Uganda remains a major scar in the conscience of this nation for complicity, of its victims for being inarticulately ephemeral, and its perpetrators – for genocidal intents. The same narratives that sustained these senseless wars have continued to divide this nation that has now come to a full circle for another liberation.

Importantly, the post-war era has also transformed how Ugandans view guns and those who own or use it, as ordinary brutes irrespective of whichever region they hail from.

One could ascertain that it was easier for Museveni to deceive Ugandans during times of war with a false promise of security to gain support he needed to legitimize his rule.

The narratives of violence in Uganda, however, begins and for now, ends with Mr. Museveni. Museveni has been the active ingredient of violent insurgency for most of Uganda’s history of violence from the 1970s. This is not a secret or desecration of the man. Read his biography where he boasts that Amin ruled over him for only a few days, and narratives of electing violence to dismantle the Obote establishment.

Mr. Museveni has dominated the framing of both narratives of violence and that of peace in this wretched country to suit is agenda.

When Sgt David Ssali shot and killed Mr. Ronald Ssebulime at Nagojje in Kayunga District, a person already hand-cuffed in police custody, it woke up people to ponder whether this affirms Mr. Museveni's promise for security of person and property, or rule of law.

Extra-judicial killings have instilled in Ugandans of all files and ranks, a pervassive sense of disillusionment in an unprecedented manner.  The violence we experience now is sectarian, which signifies a shift away from its traditional frontiers of the bushes into state organized urban and rural crimes.

The cold-blooded murder of a suspect in police custody, however, reveals a deeper concern over the contempt security operatives have over the sanctity of life of civilians and even of their own.

Assassination of Former ASP Kirumira, Andrew Felix Kaweesi, Joan Kagezi, Suzan Magara, Abiriga and several Muslim clerics were all works of professionals which suggests a linkage with state operatives.

These violent episodes were not random, rather systematic with unique manifestations. In Northern Uganda violence now manifests in land grab, forceful eviction of civilians, in Buganda, assassinations, Lusanja-type evictions and opposition tear-gassing.

Everywhere in Uganda, violence manifests in different forms such as corruption, dereliction of duty, extra-judicial murders, delayed salary areas, kidnaps for ransom and others. The impunity that accompanies these acts of violence is what amplifies its effect. Impunity suggests that the violence is insurmountable and subordinates both law enforcement (Police) and judiciary (Courts) which have lost their legitimacy as mediator of conflicts in society.

The question we have asked without an answer is whether the promise of security for person and their property has translated into the safety for Mr. Museveni, his lieutenants, family and regime.

End.    

Jackie Chandiru only mirrors our society with Drugs, Addictions and Mental Health

ADDICTIONS

The Daily Monitor editorial of March 12, 2019 was such a masterpiece in highlighting the role of singer, Ms. Jackie Chandiru in the fight against drug use among the young, famed and glamorous Ugandans where nearly 70% of school kids acknowledge use of drugs and alcohol.

The plight of Jackie Chandiru is a regrettable one, but a realistic mirror of our broken society. Uganda as a whole is on some sort of drugs fueled and reproduced internally and externally. The nation is prone to intoxicating alien lifestyles and cultures driven by commodification of every aspect of social life. 

Often, we see emergence of strange social and behavioral mannerisms mostly contrived from the maladies of capitalist Western societies. We make little efforts at attempting to examine the roots of these behaviors as long as money is appended to them. Take for instance mysogynism, naked dressing, explicative language, seductive dance moves, massive drug-use and alcohol consumption display in music videos and Hollywood movies to symbolize accomplishments.

 Jackie, however, brings to the fore, an experience of near tragedy. Her situation is something that society may dismiss, forgetting that she did not bring this onto herself, but rather was seduced into the so-called accomplishment culture of the west. While covering Jackie’s experience, non-traditional (Facebook, and Twitter) and traditional (newspapers, radio and television) media outlets have exposed society’s ignorance on distinction and inextricable link between "drug-abuse", "drug-addiction" and mental illness.

 The Daily Monitor editorial was quite modest in its extent by not critiquing the language used in reference to Jackie's experience as "drug abuse".

 This loaded language - "drug abuse" - negates the fact that Jackie's initial intention was not to use the drug recklessly, say for recreation. Rather, in line with her explanation, (which I want to believe), is that Jackie was on a prescription medication for a persistent back pain. This accurate narration helps in formulating policy on dispensing such medications to avert an Opioid crisis as we see on the streets and back alleys of Norther American cities. 

 Performers endure a lot of pressure to appear as perfect or "normal" as one can be in public. Unfortunately, for all their public undertakings, fans do not appreciate that artists break physically and emotionally. The industry sets up one for failure. The agents do not want to hear that the pressure of stardom can wear a performer down emotionally and physically. When you throw in the afflictions of the heart, then whatever begun as a physical pain quickly escalates into a general morbidity. Pain is contagious and is subjectively experiential that an outsider cannot not appreciate.

 Jackie Chandiru was born a star to bounce back boldly this way.

 Behavior change interventions generally encompasses a multitude of theoretical considerations for it to be sustainable. There is total merit in the DM editorial that role modeling from a person with vicarious experience can influence behavior change. However, role modeling alone cannot significantly drive a sustainable behavior change. As a society, we need to take the issue of drug - use; prescriptions of narcotics and anti-biotics very seriously to avert addiction and resistance. Without supportive social and physical environments, we set up our young people to fail. This society has a subculture that is proliferated with, and prone to drug abuse. Social persuasion should result in policy and concrete actions.

Young people looking at the person transitioning through an experience as real and helps them to develop imagery of self-destruction reality unto themselves. Images and testimonies are powerful tools for people who adored Jackie before her predicaments and can see how frail she is right now.  

Majority of young Ugandans missed the captivating public appeal by Philly Bongoley Lutaaya in the 1980s against HIV/AIDS when little was known or talked about the disease or its victims. Lutaaya returned from Sweden to show Ugandans what HIV/AIDS could do to a person at a time when contracting this disease meant a death sentence. Yet, talking about it was very stigmatizing.

 Jackie's resurgence and debut at MUBS rekindles the memory of Mr. Philly Bongoley Lutaaya and must be celebrated.

 I could never get enough of Jackie Chandiru; whether on stage singing and dancing or as an advocate. One hopes that Parliament will pick up this cue to develop protective laws against prescription of painkillers and abuse of antibacterial drugs in Uganda.

End.

A note to Bobi Wine on Uganda's Elections

FRAUDULENT ELECTIONS 

 Hon. Kyagulanyi, aka Bobi Wine is now embroiled in a politics of flagbearer nearly two years to the 2021 general elections. From now onwards, only a few people will engage in constructive work other than posturing around in second-hand over-sized suits as contestants.

Elections in Uganda are actually a discredited enterprise. They conjure up the ugliness of our politics of violence - polarization, hate, torture, masquerade, manipulations, armies and deaths. Many Ugandans would prefer any other options to constituting government than elections and bush wars.

Surprisingly, neither elections nor bush wars have solved Uganda's social or political problems other than accentuating them.  The more elections and bush wars we get into, the more we suffer. Bush wars have destroyed us and made us needy for a liberation messiah.

Elections have gotten for us avaricious lots keen at fleecing public purse to fester like ticks. It is customary that the ordinary Ugandan loses out during these wars and elections. The main beneficiaries are those who mobilize and organize these wars and sham elections.

The explanation for this zero-sum effect is that elections in Uganda have always been about the same people who are also the same problems of Uganda, but claim to offer themselves as solutions. Antithetical.

So, Bobi Wine should forcefully get himself into the ballots like Dr. Besigye since 2001. He (BW) too, may stay there forever!

I have argued that former Ugandan Presidents, including Dr Milton Obote (RIP) never had an exit plan in their political agenda to hand over power. Amin was the most bold of them for declaring himself President for life. Mr. Museveni communicates his intentions for life presidency by shuffling his arrows inside his quiver at every opportune moment. As such, elections have never qualitatively and quantitatively offered fundamental change for Ugandans. Rather, they have compounded it and set us in a cyclical path to war.

One could argue successfully that Museveni's 1980's justification for bush war against the Obote regime are more pronounced now, under his (Museveni's) regime. And, that these conditions justify an urgent call to mobilize for armed insurrection more than in 1980.

However, Ugandans have become weary of senseless wars and violent elections devoid of democracy that often hurts them. Elections, as a function of democratic institutions had the potential to replace, and not feed us into a war path. We would envisage tangible and visible outcomes highlighted by substantive changes in the material living conditions of our people leading to social integration, patriotism and harmony in this country.

That colourful utopia is far from materializing as the good in what constitute democracy in Uganda was stripped off its appeal. Democracy was shredded by selfish interests and elections built on its debris littered with anti-democratic laws and principles. To many of us, the Ugandan version of democracy is a reincarnation of war fought fiercely in mobilizing state legitimacy and the protracted processes that follows in legitimizing fraudulent post-election regimes.  

Violence is the common denominator in this process of forming governments in most African countries. Other societies learn from it and improve, while in Uganda's case, they make the experience worse.

Such an environment is never favourable for foreign or local investments. You could profile the nature of investors and investments in Uganda then compare with investments that obtains in other East African countries that are not at war to realize the differential impact of stealing elections.

Our gloom teach us that once civility departs from any civil process, what follows is commotion, chaos. In the Socratic dialogue a just outcome was deemed pertinent to a just process. You cannot, say, have a legitimate government when that government was constituted fraudulently. The concept of usurpation approximates this - when we grab someone's will or property by way of force, we must turn to hegemonic violence to legitimize such loot. Without shame, "government" cannot be in-congruent with a social contract of a people.

So, what value resides in participating in a Museveni organized election?

End

UGANDA: Could we even report regime’s impunity to God?

IMPUNITY 

In recent weeks, a special group of so-called powerful people have emerged in Uganda who appear intoxicated with power that they no longer fear God. A regime where its leaders do not fear God is surely a scary one because the Constitution which should constrain them is far below God!

 "Impunity" implies unequal treatment of certain individuals in society, who become exempted from punishment, and/or free of the injurious consequences of their actions.

Recently, we saw Deputy Attorney General, Rukutana, in broad day light, running his mouth against the authority of the Chairperson of the Lands Commission. Rukutana even dared God in his verbal utterances. Few days later, we saw the chilling video of Gen Matayo Kyaligonza, nearly strangling a female traffic police officer on duty. Not long from these events, Gen Kasirye Gwanga shot a car tire belonging to a celebrity aligned to Museveni.

We have Police officers, who, out of over zealousness while on duty, have tortured, maimed, killed, humiliated and abused their power and code of conduct. The video of armed men in civilian clothes clobbering a DP/People power activist on the streets of Kampala, and recently in Jinja remains fresh in our minds. The impunity arises from the fact that the culprits, far from facing punishment, are treated as heroes and recycled within ranks. These culprits have overtime, obtained a power status far beyond that of law enforcement and even of God! They are the judge, the jury and the executioner.

Just think about how many horrendous things happen to Ugandans. Have you ever imagined who are held accountable for these atrocities? Who are behind these acts of torture, killing, land grabs, demolishing buildings, vicious attacks on our domestic and game animals, rape of our women and sacrificing our children, neglect of hospitals, corruption, et cetra?

Impunity of this magnitude is usually the mid-section signal of failing regimes. The pervasive impunity also exists within every department and branch of government, such as Parliament.

Take for instance, the recently released COSASE report and the hype about the committee’s irreplaceable “star” performers! COSASE report became an everyday heartbreaking outcome of Parliament, itself an incubator of impunity.

During the COSASE probe of Bank of Uganda officials to establish circumstances of closures (liquidation) of several commercial banks spanning over two decades, few patterns emerged.

The first clear one was that certain privileged individuals, acting as power brokers with the state, conspired to rob these banks of major assets and shares. Second, traces of hidden hands – politics and informal practices – flaunted banking rules as major decisions were made in bars and bedrooms instead of the boardroom. Third, key managers within Bank of Uganda colluded with third parties to subvert laws and due processes, including compromising evidence during the probe.

COSASE seemed blinded to these criminalities to recommend punitive and cost-recovery actions against these individuals. By ignoring these culprits, Parliament as government, has created an environment for impunity to fetter.

The COSASE report itself is a revelation of impunity, and the Committee as a institutional legitimating mechanism of impunity!

That dastardly report affirms that whatever happens within this regime is designed to reinforce our collective sense of powerlessness - as a subdued people. Parliament thus, situated itself as a legitimizing institution of hegemonic impunity.

The COSASE authors dishonored themselves with their insensitivity to the fate of people who lost their livelihoods through the impunity of commercial bank closures. Those whose fortunes grew from the rot in the banking sector, will uphold Hon. Kantuntu-led COSASE as their gods!

On their part, COSASE can defend their report as bounded by term of reference.

Damn right! For all that the taxpayers spend financing Probe Committees and Commission of inquiries, so little concrete outcomes materialize.

So, who gives a damn if not Parliament? We couldn’t report these fellows even to God. Some may strangle or shoot God. Right?

Mr. Komakech is a Ugandan Social Critic. Can contact via mordust_26@yahoo.ca